War broke out at 2:30 a.m. on April 8, 1936.
Shortly after three in the morning, a large number of bombers took off from Germany mainland, howling as they flew towards Austria.
The bombers had only one mission, which was to concentrate their attacks on the Austrian military at the borders, aiming to break through their defensive line.
At the sa ti, the German Army, as if prepared for this very mont, assembled thousands of firearms and started indiscriminate bombing against the Austrian military.
Shells fell like torrential rain upon the Austrian positions, causing a vibration akin to an earthquake.
After being reported up the chain of command, the news of the border conflict and Germany's declaration of war reached the desk of Austrian Emperor Karl I.
"Damn it, how dare the Germans declare war on us?" Karl looked at his Pri Minister incredulously, "And what is this attack they claim we launched against them?"
Just half an hour earlier, Karl I had been in the midst of a sweet dream.
But his peaceful dream shattered with the urgent request of his Pri Minister's audience, and a nightmare ensued.
This also showed that Emperor Karl I's control over dostic affairs had truly hit rock bottom.
Emperor Karl I was uninford about the military conflict, nor did he have any ans of issuing orders to the front-line troops.
"It's the damn Germans' provocation," the Austrian Pri Minister said grimly. "The Germans sent soldiers first to provoke, causing the conflict."
"Fuck! Are you saying that the Germans deliberately enticed us into a trap, all just to find a legitimate reason to declare war?" Karl I realized in an instant that the conflict was false; it was the Germans' desire to find a pretext for war that was real.
"Aren't they afraid of the French Army?" Karl I was sowhat incredulous, "Do they really want to provoke a large-scale war?"
"Judging by the Germans' movents, I'm afraid that is the case, Your Majesty," the Austrian Pri Minister replied.
"What should we do then, Mr. Pri Minister?" Karl I asked urgently.
While Karl I harbored ambitions of winning the war, his control over the Austrian military was almost nonexistent. To put it bluntly, he wasn't even clear about the size of the Austrian military.
All he possessed was the ambition to win a war.
"Right now, the most important thing is to contact our ally, the French," the Austrian Pri Minister spoke calmly and deliberately. "Since the Germans think they are ready for war, let the war co more fiercely.
What we need to do now is ask our ally to honor the alliance and join this war.
Additionally, the military should begin national mobilization. Your Majesty, here is the order for national mobilization. Please sign it. There is also a declaration of war against Germany. From today, Austria and Germany will be in a state of war.
We will spare no effort to protect Austria's safety and stop the Germans at our borders."
Unlike Karl I, the Austrian Pri Minister was more capable. Coming from a military background, the Austrian Pri Minister was rather decisive and quickly ca up with two asures.
"Excellent, Mr. Pri Minister," Karl I nodded without hesitation and signed the order for national mobilization and the declaration of war, then turned his gaze towards the Austrian Pri Minister with a hopeful expression, "The hope of defeating the Germans is in your hands, Mr. Pri Minister.
I will support you with all my might until we defeat the damned Germans."
anwhile, Germany inford Italy of the war and demanded Italy to fulfill its duty as an ally by declaring war on Austria.
Italy had already beco a one-man show under Mussolini, and his stance was to ally with the Germans; naturally, he would not betray the alliance at this ti.
On April 9, Italy announced national mobilization, and the Italian Governnt issued a public announcent calling for European countries to remain calm, stating that the current war was rely a conflict between Germany and the Austrian Empire and should not involve other nations.
This was an agreent between Germany and Italy, to prevent French participation in the war as much as possible after the outbreak of war.
If they could use the French dovish attitude to avoid French involvent, that would be the best outco.
Germany and Italy, united in their annexation of Austria, would beco much stronger. Later they could focus on addressing France when they had a greater chance of victory.
Italy's statent put all the pressure on the French.
If France intervened in the war, it would face attacks from both Germany and Italy. However, if it remained neutral, France would lose its only ally in Europe and would not be able to stay uninvolved in the future.
At this point, the French governnt had been arguing for so ti about whether to fulfill its ally's duty and declare war on Germany.
The Germans' insatiable ambitions made so forrly wavering doves co to their senses. They recognized clearly that there could be no peace between Germany and France.
For there to be peace between Germany and France, either Germany would have to annex France, or France would have to annex Germany.
Two neighboring countries with comparable strength, both contenders for European dominance, could never maintain peace.
But as for declaring war directly against Germany, these officials, who had shifted from doves to war advocates, had their own ideas.
"Mr. President," Roman Barlas, the Deputy Minister of Defense and a confidant of President Albert, stood up and said, "At this point, we no longer have a choice.
If today we abandon our ally Austria, tomorrow we will be abandoned by others. Neither we nor Austria can stand a chance against Germany alone.
Only by uniting and resisting the German invasion with firm resolve can we possibly achieve victory in the war."
"Damn it, you're pushing France into the abyss," exclaid an angry dove mber of the French Parliant, unable to sit still upon hearing Roman's words. "To win this war, what price must we pay?
Conservatively estimated, we must mobilize an army of over five million to stand a chance of winning this war.
If we cannot keep the war beyond our borders, in addition to the severe casualties suffered by our military, our people will bear a trendous loss of life, not to ntion the vast damage to state and personal property.
Another war on the scale of the last Great War in Europe will set our economic core industries back by decades.
What then would we gain? A ruined France could not possibly compete with the British for European hegemony.
In doing this, we would instead allow the British to stay out of it, reaping all the benefits."
"That's correct," Roman Barlas answered calmly, even nodding at the dove's argunt.
"Damn it, if you understand this, why do you still support the President in waging this war? No matter the outco, France will not beco stronger," asked the confused dove mber of Parliant, visibly angry.
"But if we do not stand up to resist, France might cease to exist," responded Roman Barlas in an even tone, his words causing a change in the expressions of the other doves.
"Gentlen, we should think carefully, can we and the French coexist peacefully in Europe?" Roman Barlas said earnestly, "Perhaps we can, but only if one side is exceptionally strong, or the other exceptionally weak.
Given the terrifying potential the Germans have shown, I don't believe we can overtake them anyti soon. This also ans that the precondition for France to coexist peacefully with Germany might be for France to beco much weaker, posing no threat to the German status.
But the question is, if France is much weaker than Germany, would Germany remain indifferent to French territory?
Considering the Germans' various actions, I believe such a scenario is non-existent. Once France weakens, Germany will wage war on France without restraint, even endangering France's national survival.
Only by fighting back vigorously and repelling the German onslaught can we ensure the survival of France."
"So how would you address the issue of Britain standing aloof?" soone stood up to inquire.
At this question, Roman Barlas smiled slightly, proposing a solution that alard everyone present, "Quite simple, we trade our participation in the war for the British involvent.
We can tell the British outright that they must assist us. Otherwise, France will give up resisting Germany, allowing Germany to beco the European superpower and then challenge British dominance.
A war is inevitable anyway, and if the British are unwilling to contribute, then let the Germans and the British fight it out. At worst, we abandon the contest for European dominance, and we might even witness quite a spectacle."
Roman Barlas' proposal was incredibly bold. If the British refused to take part, the French would give up resisting Germany.
What did this represent? Wasn't it surrendering to Germany? Seen this way, Roman Barlas' idea was even more dovish than the doves', bordering on the extre.
After all, the doves aid to trade certain concessions for peace, not to surrender outright to the Germans.
"Damn it, just because the British don't want to help us, we have to surrender to the Germans?" Now it was the turn of the war advocates to be unsettled, as a high-ranking war advocate officer stood up, looking at Roman Barlas with distrust in his eyes.
What a situation; he had thought everyone was an ally in the war advocate camp. But unexpectedly, Roman Barlas, the Deputy Minister of Defense, had co up with a plan even more dovish than the doves' proposals.
"What else can we do, then?" Roman Barlas asked, unshaken, "Whether it's war or peace, as a neighbor of Germany, we cannot survive in isolation.
Given this, why not use every ans to drag the British into this? As long as the British are involved in this war, there will be no victor."
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