The Tsarist Governnt was making moves, and the Berlin Governnt was not sitting idle either. Unlike the Russians, with their solid foundations and ample collateral, the Prusso Federation was much poorer.
Use resources as collateral?
Sorry, the Prusso Federation’s mineral resources are very limited; the most valuable probably being the agricultural products from the Polish region.
Regrettably, the agricultural crisis had not completely passed, and the international market for agricultural products was still oversupplied, making them barely worth anything.
If it were just a matter of price, it would not be impossible to negotiate. Capital chases profit, and a discount could be considered.
But the key issue was the lack of security. Should the Prusso Federation be defeated, everything would go down the drain, for the Russians would not recognize these loans.
If resource collateral was out of the question, then what about territory, taxes, railways, or ports?
In theory, these things all have collateral value, provided that the bankers are willing to buy into them.
Given the large amount of capital involved, unless they could persuade the consortium to take over, even with the support of various governnts, it wouldn’t work.
There was no way around it; nobody dared to be certain that the Prusso Federation could win the war. If the war was lost, all promises made by the Berlin Governnt would be worthless.
Unlike the Russian Empire, even if they lost the war, the country wouldn’t cease to exist. The collateral the Tsarist Governnt was putting forward, even if the Prusso Federation won the war, they would not have the capability to occupy.
It was different for the Prusso Federation; their assets were limited, and if they were defeated, they would lose everything.
No one doubted the Russians’ appetite; even if they couldn’t swallow the Prusso Federation whole, they could still seize it to settle debts. The Vienna Governnt had no interest in Poland, but their ambition towards the Prussian region was well known.
A slogan chanted over ti can turn from false to true. Franz’s Greater Germany plan, after being voiced for so many years, had deeply embedded itself in people’s hearts.
Besides a few high-ranking governnt officials, the rest of the Austrians all strove for the unification of the German Region.
The Berlin Governnt could not possibly dare to mortgage its core territories. Otherwise, even before the Russians attacked, their own Junker aristocracy would have already staged a coup.
Don’t bother discussing the bigger picture with them; if the Junker aristocracy had any sense of the bigger picture, the historical Germany wouldn’t have t such a tragic end.
In the Berlin Palace, Wilhelm I asked with anticipation, "Is there a bank willing to take on the deal?"
These days, the best way to handle international loans and bond issuance was to first settle an agreent with a banking consortium, allowing the banks to smooth things over with the governnts.
Once an agreent with a bank was signed, it would generally get approved, sparing many political conditions.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman: "Up until now, only five banks have expressed interest.
These institutions are small banks, looking to make a risky bet. Even if talks succeed, at most a few tens of millions of marks’ worth of bonds could be issued. This falls far short of our target."
(1 mark is approximately equivalent to 0.358 grams of gold.)
There are always gamblers in this world; even though the general outlook for the Prusso Federation was bleak, there were still those daring enough to take on the business.
After a mont of silence, Wilhelm I slowly began, "Contact the Jews! As long as they are willing to issue bonds for us or provide a loan, we will support their independent statehood."
Wilhelm I did not like Jews, but now he had no choice but to cooperate with them. Due to the Tsarist Governnt’s anti-Jewish policies, the Jews in Russia had been subjected to bloody massacres, and relations between the two were very bad.
The enemy of my enemy is my friend. In this era, Jews lacked a sense of security, especially after the outbreak of the anti-Jewish movent in Russia. For their own safety, the Jews had to strike back and show their power to the world.
In the original tiline during the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese Governnt managed to hold on not only thanks to the support of the British, but also due to significant efforts from Jewish capital.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman: "Your Majesty, I fear that this may not be sufficient. It’s true that the Jews are anti-Russia, but Jewish capital is more concerned with practical interests.
Only a portion of ordinary Jews advocate for the establishnt of an independent state, and they do not have much say. Even if they are willing to cooperate with us, they do not have the capacity to take on much debt."
At this ti, the call for the establishnt of a Jewish state was not prevalent, and the Jews scattered around the world were still disunited, lacking unity.
Jewish capital did not have a concept of nationhood, being loyal only to profit, and thus they faced ostracism from European society, always finding themselves in a difficult situation.
Most Jewish capitalists feared that the establishnt of a Jewish state would lead to suspicion or even oppression by the governnts of their host countries, and consistently opposed the idea of an independent state.
The Tsarist Governnt’s anti-Semitic campaigns indeed shook many people. Unfortunately, it was to little avail, as the common folk were the ones to suffer the most, while the capitalists, relying on the power of their capital, received early warning and fled the scene.
"Ah!"
After a sigh, Wilhelm I resignedly said, "Let’s give it a try and raise as much funding as possible. The Foreign Office should prepare; I intend to visit Europe."
Reality is harsh, and even if reluctant, in order to raise sufficient war funds, one has no choice but to present oneself for others to exploit.
…
Stay tuned for updates on .Côm
Pri Minister Maoqi: "Your Majesty, I’ve just received news that at 8:15 this morning, Marshal Albrecht Von Roon passed away."
When it rains, it pours; on the brink of imminent Prusso-Russian War, another pillar of the military had fallen.
Albrecht Von Roon was the least well-known among the Three Prussian Heroes, but his contributions to the Kingdom of Prussia were by no ans insignificant.
His leadership in military reform alone, the establishnt of a strong Prussian Army, was enough to secure him a place in history.
Roon held a pivotal position within the Prussian Army, acting as a lubricant in the power struggle between the military and the governnt. After the Prusso-Russian War, he played a significant role in ensuring a stable transition of power within the Berlin Governnt.
Wilhelm I said in a grave tone, "Prepare for a state funeral!"
It was apparent that his mood was very grim. Already two months ago, when Roon had taken ill and was bedridden, Wilhelm I had braced himself for this mont. But now that it had indeed co to pass, he found it hard to accept.
Politicians tend to have a strong resilience to setbacks. Wilhelm I swiftly erged from his grief and began to consider the impact of Roon’s death.
Striking a balance between the power of the military and the governnt is never a simple matter. After Roon’s demise, a new successor had to be found to act as the lubricant.
The choice was not easy; the candidate had to possess sufficient prestige in the army to command respect, and also needed to have a keen political acun.
Wilhelm I’s thoughts first turned to Maoqi, but he was quickly dismissed. Maoqi commanded the necessary authority in the army; unfortunately, his political insight left much to be desired.
This was precisely why Maoqi had beco Pri Minister. If it had been soone with strong political abilities as well as influence in the military, Wilhelm I would not dare appoint him as Pri Minister.
The balance between monarchical and pri ministerial powers is always a ga of strategy, with the fear of high-ranking officials overshadowing the ruler prevalent in both the East and West. While regicide was not on the agenda, if a subordinate beca too powerful, checks and suppressions were inevitable.
After much hesitation, Wilhelm I decided to stabilize the situation first. With the Prusso-Russian War on the horizon, the Berlin Governnt could not afford any disruptions; any major issues would have to be addressed after the war.
He could no longer be concerned with the long-term consequences. Victory in the war necessitated solutions; defeat, on the other hand, would lead to exile, rendering any worries futile.
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