Starting from December 1875, the election atmosphere in various regions of Spain was exceptionally lively.
Because the election results of each regional assembly determined the candidates for regional representatives, the election competition in each region was very intense.
For the current three major political parties in Spain, this election was quite important. Only by securing more than 60% of the seats in the Lower House could the three major parties form a governnt with their own strength and appoint the Pri Minister.
If they failed to win more than 60% of the seats in the Lower House, the three major parties would have to consider cooperating with other parties to form a coalition governnt.
During the rule of Pri Minister Prim, the Lower House of Spain was dominated by the Progressive Party. Out of a total of 208 seats in the Lower House, the Progressive Party held over 51% of the seats, with as many as 106 seats.
Next was the Conservative Party, occupying 25% of the total seats in the Lower House, with 52 seats. The Liberal Party had the fewest seats among the three major parties, but still accounted for over 20%, holding 42 seats.
The control of the three major parties over the seats in the Lower House was evident. Besides the three major parties, among the 208 seats in the Lower House, only 8 belonged to other parties and independents not affiliated with the three major parties.
The significant disparity was largely due to the results of the revolution at that ti.
The revolution promoted a constitutional governnt in Spain, establishing a parliantary constitutional monarchy with the parliant as its main body.
In order to promote reforms, Pri Minister Prim also had to strengthen control over the governnt and parliant. This led to a House of Commons with a large number of Progressive Party and Liberal Party mbers, with the Conservative Party trailing behind, possessing seats comparable to the newly established Liberal Party.
But according to the actual situation in Spain, the number of mbers in the Conservative Party and among independents was more.
As the largest influential class in Spain, the majority of the nobility were either mbers of the Conservative Party or independents leaning towards conservatism.
This also indicated that the proportion of the Conservative Party and independents in the new Lower House of Spain would see an increase, thus widening the gap with the Liberal Party.
In Carlo’s own estimation, the proportions of the Progressive Party and the Conservative Party should both be around 30%, which would an about 100 seats each.
While the proportion of the Liberal Party should be around 10%, having 30 seats would be quite good.
The number of independent MPs might exceed that of the Liberals, accounting for about 20% of the seats in the Lower House, with approximately 58 seats.
Although the support for the three major parties varied across the regions, such proportions were a reasonable estimate of the overall political environnt in Spain.
After all, Pri Minister Prim, who supported the Progressive Party, had already announced a withdrawal from politics. The current Pri Minister Duke Serrano and Deputy Pri Minister Earl Canovas were both mbers of the Conservative Party.
The reason Carlo believed the Liberal Party would occupy no more than 10% of the seats in the Lower House was that the current Spanish Liberal Party lacked a significant leader to command the overall situation.
The Progressive Party had Pri Minister Prim, the Conservative Party had Duke Serrano and Earl Canovas.
The Liberal Party currently had no outstanding leaders, and the only mber with so prestige in the governnt, Praxedes Mateo Sagasta, although a mber of the Liberal Party, acted more like the Progressive Party, or rather the Progressive Liberals under Pri Minister Prim’s rule.
Mateo was also quite famous in Spanish history. He had ford a governnt seven tis and was a well-matched rival with Canovas.
Particularly from 1884 to 1897, during almost 13 years, the position of Pri Minister of Spain alternated between Canovas and Mateo, achieving Mateo’s pursuit of establishing a limited monarchy, where the King and Parliant shared power to ensure political stability and the pursuit of peace.
During the ti they exchanged governance, it was also a stable period for Spain’s developnt.
Unfortunately, both Canovas and Mateo died around the turn of the 20th century. Canovas died in 1897, and Mateo in 1903.
After their deaths, the Spanish regi gradually descended into chaos, eventually leading to the birth of the Second Spanish Republic.
Carlo had quite an appreciation for Mateo. He was not extre, instead supporting the establishnt of a limited monarchy.
In this regard, Mateo’s attitude was consistent with that of Pri Minister Prim. Their ideal governnt was not completely controlled by Parliant but rather a shared power between the King and Parliant, with the governnt alternating among several parties, ensuring no single party or force controlled politics, and avoiding dictatorship in the Spanish Governnt.
It was for this reason that Carlo ultimately decided to allow the Liberal Party to continue to exist and hoped Mateo could lead the Liberal Party to beco truly one of the three major parties in Spain alongside the Conservative and Progressive Parties, not relying rely on support for reforms to gain its status as the third major party.
The elections in various regions of Spain were in full swing, and in the governnt buildings at the very center of power in Spain, a prolonged cabinet eting was also taking place.
This cabinet eting was convened at the request of Pri Minister Duke Serrano, and Carlo, as the King of Spain, also attended this eting.
Unlike during Pri Minister Prim’s administration, Carlo at that ti only had the power to listen to the content of etings, without any authority to issue orders to the cabinet governnt and cabinet ministers.
Reviews
All reviews (0)