< World War II - Our Fatherland (7) >
June 2, 1940
Northern Germany, Berlin – The Governnt Complex The securing of the 3rd Army's high command by the Fallschirmj??ger was completed before dawn, but the plan to mobilize the Berlin Replacent Army with Operation Valkyrie during the night to mop up the Nazi underground organizations confird by the Abwehr continued until noon.
It was a nightti operation, and so sudden that it was as much chaos as the Anschluss, but in the end, it was a success.
"Rudolf von Ribbentrop was shot and killed while resisting… is that correct?"
"Yes, Vice-Chancellor."
At Deputy Director Oster's words, I glanced at Claudia, who was busy with paperwork a short distance away.
I opened my mouth, then closed it again.
With no imdiate way to track the Nazi underground organization, I followed the only lead I could rember, Rudolf von Ribbentrop, which led to the discovery of the Nazi underground network.
Frankly, I was so worried about that man, who held a grudge against Claudia, that I was even considering an extrajudicial killing. The news that he died while resisting left
feeling a sense of futility, but also a lingering unease.
At least I, who knew the future, had a reason to kill Ribbentrop, as I had to prevent the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact at all costs.
But his innocent son, of course, wouldn't understand such circumstances and would have a just cause for revenge.
If he had been captured quietly, would I still have resorted to illegal thods to 'handle' him in order to protect Claudia?
'How far does self-defense extend for the reason of 'he might beco a threat'?'
I shook my head and looked at the list Oster had secured.
"What a ss."
"You can say that again."
The list was quite long.
The coup d'état was suppressed before it could even be attempted, but the aftermath cleanup was the bigger problem.
-
This was a matter far beyond what I and the Abwehr could judge, so a Cabinet eting was eventually convened.
My father, Hjalmar Schacht, looked at a copy of the list and let out a cynical smirk.
"So many people knew about this, yet the only one to inform our governnt was the imprisoned Brauchitsch. It's simply astounding."
While Minister of Defense Ludwig Beck looked as if he was at a funeral, Minister of Finance Konrad Adenauer, second to none in his hatred for the Prussian Junkers, added his piece.
"It seems their lordships, the high-and-mighty Prussian Junkers, were quite dissatisfied with the Cabinet's plan to revive democracy."
Thanks to the list secured upon Schellenberg's arrest and Schellenberg himself being 'forcibly' cooperative during the Abwehr's interrogation, we were able to clearly identify the personnel involved in this incident.
Excluding those who hadn't been contacted yet, the list was divided into three categories: participants, fence-sitters, and refusers.
There were fewer participants than I expected.
Probably because they were rounded up before the Nazi plot began and before proper preparations for the coup were made.
The participants were those who had been Nazi party mbers from the start, and the high command of the 3rd Army, excluding 1st Army Corps commander Lieutenant General Walther Petzel.
The problem was, there were an incredible number of fence-sitters and refusers. They had been contacted by the coup faction but hadn't inford our governnt, or were even considering joining.
Erich von Manstein's na appearing proudly on the refusers' list was, well, not surprising anymore. Should I say that him not being a fence-sitter was beyond my expectation?
I could almost picture him, usually grumbling about governnt policy, but when soone tried to recruit him, he would just say, "The Prussian Chief of the General Staff does not commit treason."
Putting aside Brauchitsch who snitched to us, the fact that Paul Hausser and Wilhelm Keitel remained as refusers made
think that they too had done a lot of thinking during the collapse of the Nazi regi…
The real problem was the other military leaders and Junkers.
"It wouldn't be an exaggeration to say that almost every officer not favored in the Fourth Reich has a foot in this. At this rate, even I'm starting to get suspicious of the military."
Minister of Propaganda Theodor Heuss's despondent words represented the feelings of the governnt officials.
It was no joke. Except for those who had been with us since the beginning of the German Civil War or the 8th and 4th Armies that defected midway, about a quarter of the military was listed as fence-sitters.
Of course, a fence-sitter was just soone who hadn't given a definite answer, and could be closer to a refuser.
After all, the fact that the Black Orchestra of the original history operated since before World War II and was only rooted out after Operation Valkyrie ant the German military and the Junkers were that insular and reluctant to snitch on their comrades.
But in the end, it wouldn't be strange for such people to side with the Nazis again if it seed advantageous, just as they tested the waters between the new governnt and the Nazis during the German Civil War.
I felt a headache coming on as I saw the na of Claus von Stauffenberg, proudly recorded on the list as a fence-sitter.
In the original history, he was a figure who attempted to assassinate Hitler, disillusioned by the reality of the Holocaust and the desperate war situation, but he was also a hardline militarist Junker who actively advocated for the colonization of Poland.
It seems our governnt's policies didn't sit well with him, and the sweet talk from the Nazis and Junkers didn't sound like complete nonsense.
Should I call this the irony of history? Honestly, I felt a little exhausted.
I had tried so hard to improve the relationship between the Fourth Reich's governnt and the military, and I thought I had achieved so success, but now here was evidence before my eyes that the reality was different.
To think the day would co when I'd understand the feelings of Stalin, who conducted the Great Purge of the military, or Hitler, who tore the military apart after the failure of Operation Valkyrie.
"How can we trust the military after this? These are n who wouldn't find it strange to point their guns at our governnt at any ti."
Minister of Labor Kurt Schumacher spoke lantingly, but Field Marshal Ludwig Beck, the representative of the military, couldn't say a word.
"The fact that this incident was discovered and suppressed in advance was purely due to our good fortune, and thanks to the tily feats of the Vice-Chancellor and the Abwehr."
Though he said that, my father didn't hide the coldness in his eyes.
"Otherwise, we'd be in another civil war by now, and there's no telling how many of those listed as fence-sitters would have joined the Nazis. What should we do? Not to ntion the fence-sitters, even the refusers are no different from having abetted a rebellion."
At my father's chilling addition, Ludwig Beck was flustered.
"B-But if we punish all the fence-sitters and refusers, the military will be completely hollowed out. That will cause problems with the upcoming offensive against Italy…"
But Beck's rebuttal only invited a cold roar from Konrad Adenauer.
"So you're saying we should just let go of those who knew of the treason and either considered joining or kept silent, who are a potential threat to the administration? You're obsessed with protecting your own house!"
Unfortunately for Beck, it was safe to say that almost no one in the current Cabinet looked upon the military with a favorable eye.
After all, many of the people in this room were those who had been directly hard by the Nazis, and it would be difficult for them to consider showing leniency to military personnel who tried to cling to the ghost of the Nazi regi.
But to completely overhaul the military in this situation would be to follow the path of the Soviet Union in the original history. It couldn't possibly be good to further shrink the pool of talented military individuals, which had already been reduced by the civil war against the Nazi regi.
We have the justification. But in the end, it's a question of how far we should go in dealing with the military for the reason 'they might beco a threat.
'
While shouts were exchanged in the Cabinet, I recalled the speech I gave at the send-off ceremony. The speech where I told them to willingly disobey orders if they couldn't find a reason to fight.
It was none other than
who told them not to pledge blind loyalty.
Is this incident an extension of that? Should I respect their free will even to this extent?
It's a difficult question.
In the end, what was the best and the right thing for
was not so for them.
And if things have co this far, the governnt can't be said to be without responsibility.
Perhaps it was a naive idea from the start to expect them to understand our policies while interfering with the military as little as possible and giving them maximum support.
"We cannot simply pass by, pinning all the responsibility on the military. We are currently at war, and for things to have co to this, the governnt… I also bear responsibility."
As I, who had been silent, spoke up, people turned their gazes to .
Ludwig Beck was looking at
like I was a lifeline, which made
feel, well, ambivalent.
"However, we cannot simply let it pass. In the end, this incident was caused by the insularity and independence of the military, and if this situation continues, the sa thing could happen again."
I don't need to look far; it's a long-standing German tradition and limitation, to the extent that there's a saying, 'All nations have an army, but in Prussia, the army has a nation.
'
In World War I, the damned military's running wild was a major factor in the escalation, and in World War II, the Empire of Japan t the sa fate.
"Then what do you propose?"
To my father's question, I glanced at Ludwig Beck and answered.
"If we intend to create a democratic nation, the military must be placed under civilian control."
-
June 3, 1940
Northern Germany, Berlin It was a bright, sunny day.
We quickly brought the unsettled atmosphere from the coup attempt to resolution and were holding an external event with the high commands of the Army, Navy, and Air Force.
"How about it, do you think you understand reality now, my romantic Chancellor?"
Wilhelm III, whom I hadn't seen in a while, spoke with a sneer, and I answered with narrowed eyes.
"It is Vice-Chancellor, Your Majesty."
My head already hurts, and this ill-natured emperor just has to rub salt in the wound.
Wilhelm III just smiled sweetly, and I glared at him and added.
"It may be a transitional period, but I have keenly felt my own shortcomings."
Wilhelm III laughed unpleasantly, as if sothing was imnsely amusing.
"Well, perhaps you can say that because it's you."
What does he an by that? As I pondered, Wilhelm III moved away, and Manstein, who had been watching from a distance, approached .
"A truly sunn-y day! It seems God himself is blessing this truly monuntal day for the Fourth Reich, Vice-Chancellor! Haha!"
"Ah, yes. Chief of the General Staff."
Manstein seed to flinch slightly at my cold reaction, but soon his face was wreathed in a smile.
"Ahem, ahem. As you know, I refused them flatly! The Chief of the General Staff of the proud German Army participating in treason! Not a chance! Nope! Noooope!"
It would have been nice if soone so certain had inford us in advance.
I looked up at Manstein with half-closed eyes, and even his shaless face eventually avoided my gaze.
After a mont of silence, Manstein spoke.
"Ahem, I heard that instead of punishing those involved in this list, you, Vice-Chancellor, proposed an alternative. Please know that the military is quite grateful for this."
"…I see."
In the end, instead of butchering the military like dictators, we chose to reform the system.
Until now, Germany's Minister of Defense had traditionally been a general officer, but with the end of this warti Cabinet, a civilian will take the post, and the governnt will hold the right of supre command and personnel appointnts.
In exchange for letting this incident go unpunished, the military agreed to include the principle of this civilian control in the constitution to be drafted by the new governnt chosen by election.
The Air Force and the Navy, who had little to lose from the start, actively agreed in order to reduce the Army's bloated authority, and the Army, after trembling like an aspen leaf, accepted with a brightened expression.
According to modern principles of civilian control, the positions of Commander-in-Chief for the three branches should also be abolished, but—no matter how you look at it, that's impossible in the current Germany.
So instead, we prepared a symbolic event.
In the presence of the nominal head of state, Wilhelm III, the Commanders-in-Chief of the three military branches stood before the head of governnt, my father, Hjalmar Schacht.
The Commander-in-Chief of the Army, Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb, the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, Erich Raeder, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, Hugo Sperrle, saluted my father and began to speak.
"I swear this sacred oath before God."
The Wehrmacht's service creed, which I had shouted before Hitler at the Berlin War College.
It was now being conducted with a standard salute instead of the Nazi one, before the tricolor flag instead of the swastika.
"To His Majesty the Emperor, and to the people, the masters of Germany—"
The oath to the dictator who was the leader of Germany and its people flows out with completely changed content in the new Germany.
"To pledge loyalty to the German governnt, which has been entrusted with that authority—"
We are still not perfect. There will be more trial and error ahead.
But I believe it is all a step towards becoming a normal nation.
"I swear to be a soldier who is ready at any ti to lay down my life to uphold this oath."
May our fatherland be able to walk a better path through this process.
-
June 3, 1940
The French capital, the 'City of Light,' Paris While Berlin was holding a ceremony for the implentation of civilian control under the bright sun, shouts erupted in Paris.
"What? You need reinforcents, what is that supposed to an?"
French Pri Minister Jean-Fran??ois de La Rocque snapped at the Italian Foreign Minister, Galeazzo Ciano, as if to ask what on earth he was talking about.
"It is exactly as I said, Pri Minister. A full-scale German offensive is sure to co in the near future, and we desperately need reinforcents."
Italy's desperate support for Himmler was, of course, partly due to Mussolini's disposition for showing off, but it was also because they were desperate.
With the Hawk Legion having withdrawn, it was obvious the German Army would prepare a more elaborate and deadly offensive, but since the Italian army couldn't handle the Germans alone, they had taken a gamble.
But Italy's all-in gamble failed spectacularly.
Himmler and Italy's attempt at civil war was not only completely blocked but also exposed in detail, wasting all the money Italy had poured in. Combined with the death of the First Prince and the bombing of Tyrol, all of Germany was seething, crying out for war against Italy.
Naturally, the German Army, also implicated in this incident, was burning with the will to fight, vowing to wash away its disgrace.
"Weren't you aware from the start that this was a high-risk gamble? The operation is imminent, and now you ask for troops? Does that even make sense?"
Of course, La Rocque and France couldn't care less, and they were simply astounded by Italy's absurd demand.
The French Army's preparations for the operation were in their final stages, with the start of the war just around the corner.
But asking for help for Italy here ant asking them to pull troops committed to the operation and send them to Italy.
And it wasn't as if they could pull troops ant to defend the Maginot Line and the ho country.
"I apologize for that, but we cannot imagine being able to stop Germany without France's help."
Now that things had co to this, even the Italian high command had made the realistic judgnt that defeating the German Army alone was impossible, not even in their wildest dreams.
But La Rocque shook his head.
"That is out of the question. The very fate of our fatherland hangs on this operation; we cannot alter it now."
Of course, from France's perspective, they couldn't care less how badly Italy was beaten, as only their air force and navy were being mobilized for the operation.
Even if they were to send reinforcents, that was sothing to consider only after the operation.
But Italy's tantrum, the sa kind that opened up unbearable fronts and gave Hitler a headache in the original history, was not easy to deal with.
"I'm sorry, Pri Minister. If France cannot help us, then we cannot cooperate with this operation either."
"What did you say?"
La Rocque's jaw dropped at the audacity.
After agreeing to everything, they pull this now?
Count Ciano flinched a little under La Rocque's accusatory gaze, but Italy, having nothing left to lose, beca even more blatant.
"After all, France cannot secure the diterranean without our air force and navy, can it? We are also taking a risk against Germany by cooperating in this operation; we can't be the only ones taking risks.
Aren't we also fighting for our fatherland?"
La Rocque felt his breath catch in his throat.
Of course, without Italy, there was no way to catch the British diterranean Fleet.
How dare Italy, knowing this full well, play hardball like this?
In the end, faced with Italy's tantrum, La Rocque had to agree to dispatch at least so Army units imdiately after the operation began, that is, after the declaration of war.
After Count Ciano left with a broad smile, La Rocque trembled with anger and sought out Foreign Minister Paul Baudouin.
"Foreign Minister. Has Spain still not given a definite answer?"
"I-I apologize, Pri Minister.
They say they still need more ti for preparation…"
In the end, La Rocque had to slam his fist on the desk, panting raggedly.
"These, damn it! Not a single one of these so-called allies is worth a damn!"
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