The news of the successful uprising in Saint Petersburg quickly spread throughout Russia, and it incited more cities to carry out large-scale strikes and protest marches.
In these cities with large-scale strikes and demonstrations, it is evident that the demonstrators are divided into two factions: the working classes and capitalism.
Following Saint Petersburg is Moscow, and then the surrounding major cities and important developnts. Moscow's Red Square, the Kremlin Palace, and the Moscow Arsenal were occupied by uprising troops within just a few days, and the rebellion had spread throughout the European region of Russia.
Before World War I, Russia was an enormous country. The westernmost part was Poland, which had been divided with Germany, while the easternmost part reached the Asian border and separated from the United States by the Bering Strait.
Thus, Russia was a thoroughly transcontinental country, occupying not only large areas of Eastern Europe but also vast land in North Asia.
Although Russia's territory is vast, the essence of Russia is still Eastern Europe.
This revolution affected the area from St. Petersburg to Moscow and almost half of Western Russia's area, except for the frontline region. One can also understand this as directly affecting more than half of Russia.
The two most important cities in Russia are Saint Petersburg, the current capital, and Moscow, the forr capital.
These two cities, along with the essence of Russia in Eastern Europe, have now been occupied by the uprising troops.
During the incitent of the uprising, the Workers' Alliance and capitalism vigorously encouraged surrounding cities to carry out large-scale strikes and protests and took the opportunity to add their people to these cities, intending to control them.
Under the premise of obvious interest differences between the capitalist group and the workers' group, whoever can grasp more power and control of future governnt depends on the number of cities controlled by all parties.
On November 15, 1916, the uprising troops instigated the Baltic Sea fleet. A significant part of Russia's military strength was in the hands of the uprising forces.
Moreover, the frontline soldiers also welcod the uprising. They even quickly established a Soldiers' Committee to supervise the army's officers.
A large number of Russian common people also welcod this revolution. They needed to overthrow the Tsarist system to bring political liberation and the land of landlords to bring economic liberation.
When all Russian common people couldn't get enough to eat, as long as the rebels could provide them with grain, they would support these uprising troops unconditionally.
On November 16, the Soviet regi was officially established and accommodated the vast majority of workers' parties, including the Bolsheviks and the nsheviks.
On the day the Soviet regi announced its establishnt, the bourgeoisie found the captured Nicholas II and asked him to sign an appointnt letter.
In this appointnt letter, the Duke of Georgian Yevgenyevich Lvov of the Constitutional Democratic Party was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Nikolai Nicholayevich was appointed as the Supre Commander-in-chief of Russia.
With the appointnt letter in hand, the bourgeoisie imdiately declared the establishnt of the State Duma Temporary Committee and competed with the Workers' Party for power in the Soviet regi.
The Soviet regi has the support of a large number of workers, while the State Duma Temporary Committee is supported by the old nobility, including Nicholas II.
For a mont, Russia beca even more chaotic after the victory of the revolution, with two powers coexisting but having opposing administrative ideologies.
Nicholas II did not sign the historical abdication declaration because the old aristocracy and the royalist faction still had a strong power, and the Soviet system and the bourgeois regi had not yet determined the primary and secondary positions.
Compared to the State Duma Temporary Committee, which is entirely composed of the bourgeoisie, the Soviet regi is more dispersed, including most of the workers' parties, among which the largest are the Bolsheviks and nsheviks.
These two parties also have certain conflicts, both seeking the leadership position in the Soviet regi.
The nsheviks, unlike the Bolsheviks who staunchly established a republican regi, promoted a capitulationist line, sought to limit the scope of the revolution, and believed that the legitimate owner after overthrowing the Tsarist system could only be the bourgeoisie.
With the help of the nsheviks, the State Animation Temporary Committee quickly replaced the Soviet regi and gradually seized more power in post-revolution Russia.
On November 20, 1916, the first bourgeois interim governnt of Russia was established. It was a constitutional monarchy interim governnt, Nicholas II retained the position of Tsar, but lost all administrative and military powers.
Grand Landlord Duke Georgy Lvov beca the first pri minister of the interim governnt and minister of the interior, and other positions were also divided among the major bourgeois political parties.
However, at the sa ti, the powers of the Soviet regi have not been entirely lost. Although many revolutionary areas, including Saint Petersburg, have been controlled by the interim governnt, Moscow and the surrounding areas are still under Soviet control.
However, the Soviet regi still nominally follows the rule of the interim governnt, but the interim governnt has no real power in the Moscow region.
Russia's revolution had drawn worldwide attention, particularly from the Allied group led by Germany.
For Germany, the Russian revolution was a great piece of good news. Russians were caught in internal disorder and certainly didn't have enough power to continue the war.
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