Chapter 383: Economic Foundation and Superstructure
"What reactionary rulers? We are the most enlightened rulers," Lucien said.
"Then we must be even better at using these two tools," Joseph replied.
"Joseph, don't mind these fools, let's continue our previous topic," Napoleon said.
"Between these two thods, the use of forceful suppression should be handled cautiously. If used, it must be swift, quelling the disorder right at its inception. What do we need to be most wary of in the early stages of disorder? My brothers, the most dangerous sprout of disorder is the organization forming among the lower classes. If soone attempts to organize the lower classes, those without a stake. We need to take imdiate asures to dismantle their organization. We can tolerate disorganized riots, but we can never tolerate even peaceful demonstrations if they are organized. Because organization itself signifies real power," Joseph remarked, recalling the successful experience of a beacon nation in the future.
For a period, the beacon nation was just a "beacon of freedom," not yet a "beacon of democracy." The flag of democracy was still waving fiercely in the hands of its most dangerous enemy, the polar bear. Interestingly, the enthusiasts pushing democracy globally weren't the beacon nation but the honest and reliable koalas.
At that ti, a group of black people in the beacon nation, led by a black pastor, began challenging the nation's system, demanding democracy. They brought hundreds of thousands of black and underprivileged white people to peacefully protest at the Lincoln morial.
It was indeed a peaceful protest. Despite the presence of hundreds of thousands, not a single scrap of paper was littered—how dangerously organized it was! Much more dangerous than those engaging in violence. Moreover, the black pastor delivered a speech at the gathering. Although advocating "nonviolent non-cooperation" sounded much kinder compared to "ard seizure of power," it was still revolutionary theory. With theory and organization, how could it not progress further? Thus, the beacon nation promptly took a decapitating asure, instantly gunning down the black pastor.
After the pastor, there ca the "Black Panther Party"—not the one with citizens living a primitive life while portraying themselves as superheroes. They believed in altering the world through prolonged organization and mobilization of the masses. They attempted revolutionary socialism through community programs in the black community, offering free breakfasts to poor kids and political education. Can you believe it? They actually wanted to organize!
How to deal with them? Of course, the old trick, outright decapitation. Soon, the leaders of the Black Panther Party were either riddled with bullets or thrown into jail. Then ca protests and riots, but disorganized and undisciplined riots pose limited threat.
"Once we detect any inclination towards organization, like the textile workers' union in Britain, especially organized and ideological ones, we must imdiately take steps to disband them. This includes direct physical resolution. However, using deceitful ans is preferable whenever possible. Napoleon, how can a field never yield any crops no matter what you sow?" Joseph suddenly asked.
"Oh, that's simple," Napoleon leaned back in his seat, saying, "Just let weeds overrun the field."
"Exactly," Joseph said, glancing at Lucien.
"For this issue, give
a little more ti. Maybe I can co up with an answer," Lucien thought, feeling a bit uneasy.
"So, what are weeds? They're organizations that look like they belong to the workers but are actually our own organizations," Joseph explained. "What's the characteristic of our factory workers? They can be divided into two types: highly mobile ordinary workers and relatively stable skilled workers. There's a significant difference between these two.
Firstly, the wages of ordinary workers are considerably low, far less than skilled workers and sotis even less than farrs. Even the lowest-level skilled workers earn five tis more than ordinary workers. As for the top-tier skilled workers, their inco is ten to dozens of tis more than ordinary workers.
This results in a distinct lifestyle gap between the two. Skilled workers lead sowhat comfortable lives, while ordinary workers barely scrape by. We've provided them with an escape valve—North Arica. One of their life goals is to earn enough for a ship ticket and head to North Arica.
Ethnically, they differ significantly from skilled workers. Over half of our factory's ordinary workers hold green cards—foreigners, or 'prospective Frenchn.'"
When speaking of "prospective Frenchn," Joseph couldn't help but smile.
These "prospective Frenchn" could only beco French citizens in Louisiana. The green card they held was proof of passing the "basic French test" and swearing allegiance to France. With this docunt, they could buy land at a low price and get low-interest loans. However, if they were involved in cris in France, their qualifications would be revoked, and they'd be deported. So, these "prospective Frenchn" were generally well-behaved and didn't dare cause trouble in France. After all, they didn't plan to stay there for long.
"These 'prospective Frenchn' are highly mobile. They won't stay here for long, making it hard for them to establish any organization. Coupled with language barriers, legal issues, and the exploitation from their holands, our exploitation of them isn't entirely intolerable.
On the other hand, skilled workers are different. They're relatively stable and might even spend their entire lives in the factory as long as everything's fine. With decent incos, their lifestyles differ significantly from ordinary workers'. They emotionally lean towards the upper class rather than the lower class. Despite realizing we're exploiting them, they weigh the risk of losing what they have if they start a struggle. They may grumble and protest when we mistreat them, but they won't rebel. They fear losing what they barely possess now. Therefore, they're the easiest to bribe and control.
With their prolonged stay in the factory and limited mobility, we've established unions based on them. These unions seem to protect workers' interests but fundantally safeguard ours. However, not everyone sees it this way.
Now, this land is filled with our weeds. It's extrely tough for those wanting to sow revolutionary seeds here, right? To grow revolutionary crops, they'll need much more effort. At least, they'll have to uproot these weeds first. But those skilled workers—or rather, we should call them the worker aristocracy—will think our unions protect them. They'll then disconnect from the ordinary workers and protect these weeds, causing internal division among the workers. Isn't this wonderful?"
"This is a part of public opinion manipulation," Napoleon nodded. "Indeed, it's highly enlightening. This is also a part of manipulation, right?"
"Absolutely. Apart from this, there should also be intellectual deception," Joseph continued. "A crucial factor for a revolutionary organization to form is having guiding revolutionary thoughts.
Honestly, before the major revolution, the French people's living conditions weren't notably worse compared to neighboring countries. Whether Italians, Spaniards, Highlanders, Lowlanders, or even Austrians and Prussians, their lives were not better than the French and often worse. Why did the French revolt first rather than the people in these countries? Lucien, can you answer this?"
"Ah, I know this. Because they didn't have Voltaire and Rousseau," Lucien imdiately responded.
"That's a sowhat correct explanation," Joseph nodded. "Precisely because
they didn't have Voltaire and Rousseau. Our intelligentsia is playing a critical role in this area. We must control the intelligentsia and ensure they serve our interests. They must make the masses believe our system is the best. So, our intelligentsia must praise our system, while disguising the exploitation and the system's weaknesses. They should focus on spreading ideas that uphold the system rather than ideas that question or criticize it."
"What if so intellectuals still hold opposing views?" Lucien asked.
"Then, these are true threats. They might even be more dangerous than organized workers. If they have a vast influence and their views spread widely, they could sway public opinion," Joseph said. "We need to watch out for such intellectuals and try to neutralize them through various ans—co-optation, marginalization, or even suppression if necessary."
"The superstructure exists not just as a reflection of the economic base but also as a tool to maintain and justify it. In controlling the superstructure, we secure the longevity of our rule," Napoleon summarized. "This chapter concludes our discussions on the economic base and superstructure."
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