The Fox of France No Chapter 363: Universal Suffrage

Chapter 363: Universal Suffrage

The new incumbent, once a butcher nad Fekin, was now in a safe house conversing with the secretary of the French embassy, Hubert du Bell.

"Mr. Fekin, the liberation of British workers fundantally relies on their own awakening and efforts. At present, our assistance is limited to this extent. Considering the current situation, I suggest that you consider this compromise: rena the 'Textile Workers Union' to the 'Textile Workers Club' to circumvent legal issues. Also, given the potential legal activities of the club, I advise against using the na Fekin. Do you have any alternative nas?" du Bell inquired.

"Why not call it the Textile Workers Party? As for a na, let's use the one on my ID, Gavin Pran," Fekin suggested. "Regarding negotiations for resuming work temporarily with those gentlen, that discussion can happen after our comrades are released by the police. I know progress happens step by step. But even if we change the na, can we truly evade the scrutiny of the British governnt?"

"Of course, that's not entirely possible; it's just providing them with a concession. What truly concerns them isn't legal loopholes, especially in a country like England that follows case law. The key is the pressure your struggle exerts on them, pushing them to compromise. For instance, in France, the status and inco of workers are notably higher. We have no child labor because children of schooling age must receive education. The inco of French workers is significantly greater than in England. Why? Not because our factory owners are exceptionally benevolent, but because French workers showcased their strength during the revolution. Hence, those factory owners naturally respect empowered workers. As long as you maintain your organization and strengthen your power, they won't dare to act recklessly," du Bell responded.

"In that case, I feel the 'Textile Workers Club' isn't forceful enough," Fekin, or rather Gavin Pran, chuckled. "We might as well call it the 'All England Workers Union.'"

"Ah, progress takes ti, Mr. Pran. I suggest consolidating your base for the ti being, setting an example for other industries, and then contemplating the next steps. Moreover, I'm aware that so wealthy individuals currently express dissatisfaction with the issue of suffrage; they hope for change in this regard. I personally recomnd that alongside striving for wages and such, you also engage in advocacy for universal suffrage."

In this era in England, while there existed an electoral system, it operated with stringent property and lineage-based double barriers. Hence, the proportion of individuals with voting and candidacy rights was only about two percent of the total population, even less than the ratio during the initial phase of the French Revolution when they concocted the active and passive citizenry concept.

In the House of Lords, naturally, mbers were required to be aristocrats. Even in the House of Commons, representing commoners, various restrictions were in place for elections. Firstly, the delineation of constituencies was a complex affair. In England at that ti, the lower house's electoral districts were primarily based on regions rather than population. Consequently, nurous rural areas were designated as constituencies, leading to fewer seats for densely populated cities.

This territorial-based setup was highly advantageous for conservatives or, more specifically, for landlords and the landed gentry. Their influence in small rural areas was deeply entrenched. Consequently, an oddity erged in the British Parliant: while mbers of the House of Lords frequently rotated, so seats in the House of Commons had beco hereditary.

This phenonon had also occurred in a certain East Asian country in later tis. Initially, due to defeat in a war, they were forcibly imposed with a universal suffrage system. As a result, the left-wing Socialist Party suddenly gained strength and briefly rivaled the ruling coalition of ethnic elites and major business magnates. The country swiftly adjusted its constituency delineations, transforming large districts into smaller ones, resulting in nearly every elected mber being from hereditary positions. As for the Socialist Party that had once rivaled the ruling coalition, it diminished to insignificance.

Presently, this British electoral system had left many affluent business owners dissatisfied as well. Representatives directly advocating for their interests were insufficient in Parliant. Although they could bribe the landed gentry, wouldn't it be more advantageous to ascend directly and save so money?

Therefore, a group of factory owners was clamoring to and the electoral system, hoping to allocate seats in the lower house based on population proportions. This proposal was currently creating a buzz in Britain.

"How significant is striving for universal suffrage for us?" Gavin Pran asked.

"Universal suffrage is the bread and butter," du Bell replied. "Look at France; any adult man, unless they've committed a cri or possess a severe ntal deficiency, irrespective of their wealth, has the right to vote. In such circumstances, no mber of Parliant would dare to propose impertinent laws like banning workers from forming unions across factories. We've even mandated that factories must have unions."

There's a point here that du Bell hasn't explicitly clarified: unions in French factories might not necessarily represent the workers truly. To be more precise, considering the high mobility of workers in French factories, unions mostly represented those with less mobility, the so-called 'skilled workers' or the 'worker aristocracy.' But there was no need to elucidate this so explicitly to the English.

Gavin Pran was entirely unfamiliar with matters such as elections, so after pondering, he replied, "Regarding universal suffrage, I'm not entirely clear. I need to study and think about it. I'm sorry, I can't give you an imdiate answer right now. Oh, by the way, do you have any books you could recomnd for

to understand these issues better?"

Du Bell wasn't surprised by this response. The new Fekin wasn't as knowledgeable as the old one, but being entrusted as his successor wasn't without reason; he was exceptionally composed.

On the other hand, du Bell believed that Gavin Pran, after thorough consideration, would eventually support this direction because it genuinely favored them.