Roediger, who would remain as Russia's PMR on the Supre War Council, ca to ask Kokovtsov.
"Pri Minister, doesn't this an Britain ultimately pays no price except for a symbolic removal of a few people?"
"It may seem that way for now. But I confird one thing by coming here. Do you know what that is?"
Though agreeing that the young Roediger was saying the compensation was insufficient, Kokovtsov was smiling.
"...I'm not sure."
"It's that encircling Russia will be impossible after the war."
"Why is that?"
"Because now no one will step up for Britain's sake."
The reason they had to be wary when Arica joined the war.
The reason the Empire had to react strongly even to such a worthless protocol.
It was all due to fear of postwar isolation.
Fear of being excluded from Western Europe.
Fear of being simultaneously blocked from both the Far East and Europe.
No matter how probable, the Empire had to move because that situation was so terrifying.
"But just look at France. They've lost too many. They may charge at Germany now ready to die, but how long will that last?"
"They won't have the strength to oppose our country."
"France will be no different from the defeated even if they win the war. Their situation isn't much different from Germany's."
Post-war France won't be able to care about anything beyond their colonies and territory. They'll likely be practically excluded from the post-war structure.
"Italy has the strength but will be deliberately excluded. No one will acknowledge their war achievents. I'm not sure how that will play out, but it won't go Britain's way. They may even develop resentnt towards Western nations."
Pri Minister Orlando's cries at this conference were so hollow.
No one pays attention or gives recognition.
In short, Italy has already failed to reach great power status even among the victorious nations.
"Won't the United States remain pro-British?"
"Well, will that country that couldn't properly project forces even a year after declaring war confront us as much as Britain wants?"
Just look at the state of their military.
Their military expansion is temporary and their imperialist desires impulsive.
It's uncertain if they even have the will to form an anti-Russian encirclent or waste national power by jumping into conflicts.
"But we can't be at ease. This may only appear so to my eyes now, things could be different in ten, twenty years. However for now. That is, as long as the effects of the war remain."
"Britain cannot oppose us."
"That's right."
This is what Kokovtsov wanted to confirm with his own eyes by coming to Paris.
He had already been granted another 8-year term by the Tsar.
aning he must serve not just as warti Pri Minister but postwar Pri Minister as well.
From his perspective.
"Britain will beco a coward."
That island nation won't be able to stop Russia going forward.
'Just a few decades ago they would have flatly refused and tried to drive us back.'
Their retreat this ti, big or small, is proof of that.
Taking one step back makes taking two steps back easier, and even turning tail to run becos not impossible.
To Kokovtsov, this conference seed less about the war and more like a signal determining each country's position after the war.
If as the Tsar said, this war was a ticket to postwar prosperity.
'It seems we already have that ticket.'
Russia had already won.
==
"Let's see, they say they absolutely won't give up Paris. So we keep fighting?"
Brusilov, who hadn't advanced deeper after the fall of Budapest, nodded when he heard the results of that Supre War Council.
"So it shall be."
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Despite the sudden news, he showed little reaction.
After taking a mont to process the thoughts, he turned his gaze back to his counterpart directly in front.
"Ah, my apologies. This was such an important matter. So what did you say?"
"We've modified the armistice conditions. Guaranteeing civilians' property and safety-"
"Hold on. An armistice rather than unconditional surrender? With your capital fallen and a provisional governnt openly established in Austria, how do you think I feel about an armistice proposal?"
"They are deserters who abandoned the country! We have not specified that we will no longer cooperate with Austria!"
Stefan Rajecz, the Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Hungary and longti moderate bureaucrat of the Dual Monarchy, did not leave Budapest.
Instead, he remained until the end trying to negotiate with Brusilov.
"The Kingdom of Hungary only wished to defend its territory! It was all Austria's orders, and we rejected the joint agreent with Austria held every 10 years, so we are a fully independent nation! Therefore we have the right to negotiate!"
By this point, even Stefan couldn't understand why the Commander-in-Chief before him kept rampaging through the south when he could have stopped fighting.
If he had wanted to attack Czechia, he would have moved his forces.
If he had wanted to head to Vienna, he would have left already.
Yet even now with Budapest fallen, the southern army still hadn't left.
"Opposition to German unlimited submarine warfare, support for minorities, advocating equal rights between Austria and Hungary, wariness of German influence. Hmm, looking at your record, you seem to care deeply for your country, so I'll tell you this. Don't spread it around?"
Drawing closer to Rajecz, Brusilov whispered:
"I will only leave here when I go to occupy Berlin. However, there's no talk of attacking Berlin from above... So the war with the Kingdom of Hungary will continue for now."
"You... Why would you continue this aningless war with an already defeated nation?"
"My, are you telling to let our boys die aninglessly on the Eastern Front? For those Western bastards? How could I do that?"
Either occupy Berlin, or don't even try from the start.
That was Brusilov's thinking and what the General Staff and cabinet agreed with.
"So our war will continue."
"..."
The Russian army had no intention of stopping the war with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Even if the enemy wanted to stop.
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