"Ambassador, do you know? The Ottoman Empire is ill, and it can no longer sustain its vast territories!"
This conversation took place in February 1853 at the Catherine Palace in Tsarskoye Selo, St. Petersburg. The speaker was none other than Tsar Nicholas I of the Russian Empire, and his audience was Lord Seymour, the plenipotentiary ambassador of Britain to the Russian Empire.
Since January 15, 1853, after the Emperor of the Russian Empire formulated the nonsensical plan to partition the Ottoman Empire, Nicholas I personally took the role of the chief architect of the partition, and it was only natural that Lord Seymour beca the main target of his persuasion.
As for the Austrian Empire and the French Empire, Nicholas I did not attach much importance. In his view, the Austrian Empire was just a loyal "little brother" to the Russian Empire. Back then, he had mobilized over 200,000 troops from Transylvania into the Austria-Hungary region to help the Austrian Empire defeat the Hungarian insurgents. During the Austro-Prussian War, the Russian Empire likewise supported them in taking action against the Kingdom of Prussia. Although the final resolution ca through Russian Empire’s diation, the Russian Empire had still made so contributions, and the Austrian Empire should be grateful.
Regarding Franz Joseph’s seemingly youthful and approachable appearance, Nicholas I instinctively considered Franz Joseph as a determined successor of orthodox principles. From any perspective, the union between the Russian Empire and the Austrian Empire was a beneficial choice for the Austrian Empire. Moreover, the Austrian Empire did not suffer any losses in this deal, as the Adriatic Coast and Bosnia and Herzegovina were benefits freely given by the Russian Empire to the Austrian Empire.
Therefore, the partition plan concerning the Austrian Empire by the Russian Empire and the Austrian Empire was entirely entrusted to Carl Nesselrode. Carl Nesselrode’s opponent was none other than Prince tternich, who was idling in the Austrian court as an advisor.
Since Felix Schwarzenberg took to his bed, his condition gradually worsened and ultimately resulted in paralysis.
Even so, Felix Schwarzenberg, while still able to speak, recomnded Prince tternich to serve as an advisor to Franz Joseph.
After that, Felix Schwarzenberg beca completely comatose, and Prince tternich, despite having the backing of Felix Schwarzenberg, was not significantly utilized.
However, dealing with the Russian Empire required seasoned diplomats, so Franz Joseph decided to have Prince tternich, serving as an advisor, travel to France for negotiations.
In the half-month-long talks between Carl Nesselrode and Prince tternich, no substantial progress was achieved.
Compared to Felix Schwarzenberg’s bold and aggressive foreign policy, Prince tternich’s diplomacy was exceptionally gentle, giving an impression of having made so promises, yet no promises at all.
For a ti, Carl Nesselrode was at a stalemate.
As for the French Empire... the current French Empire seed like a transparent player in European diplomacy, with no significant actions beyond re rhetoric on the international stage. Since Valerovsky assud the role of plenipotentiary ambassador to Constantinople, the French Empire’s foreign policy beca outwardly strong but inwardly gentle.
Nicholas I, who thought the French Empire had lost its threat, placed all his focus on Britain. He firmly believed that if the Kingdom of Britain agreed with him, then nothing in Europe could hinder the Russian Empire’s advance.
Even if there was a country (French Empire) daring enough to obstruct him, the ultimate result would rely be being crushed by the Russian Empire.
Insecurities and arrogance, these two opposing extre psychologies, characterized the Russian Empire and also shaped the personality of Nicholas I.
From January 15 to early February, in nearly two and a half weeks, Lord Seymour visited Catherine Palace no less than three tis, and each visit to Catherine Palace gave him a different feeling.
Incidentally, after each conversation in the Russian Imperial palaces, Lady Seymour always left so writings or such at Catherine Palace. For these seemingly worthless items, Crown Prince Alexander always liked to pay a high price to acquire them.
Lord Seymour’s attitude toward Nicholas I beca increasingly favorable.
As a qualified diplomat, he naturally took advantage of the available opportunities to seek benefits for himself; Talleyrand and tternich were always the learning targets of all diplomats.
During their terms, they not only completed their tasks excellently but also accumulated a substantial retirent fund for themselves.
Moreover, Nicholas I simply expressed his views on the Ottoman Empire to him and did not ask him to do anything else.
At most, it was just writing a report to 10 Downing Street, with contents leaning toward the Russian Empire as much as possible.
If Canning was a staunch "Pro-Ottoman" faction mber, then Seymour was a staunch "Pro-Russian" faction mber.
As Seymour listened to Nicholas I’s passionate speech, he nodded at Nicholas I.
From the expression and actions of Ambassador Seymour, it seed he sowhat agreed with Nicholas I’s statent.
Faced with Lord Seymour’s approval, Nicholas I was evidently more pleased and continued to promote his theory to Lord Seymour: "He (referring to the Ottoman Empire) is already terminally ill. If we allow him to perish, especially before the aftermath has been properly handled, it would be most unfortunate!"
"Your Majesty, you are right!" Lord Seymour echoed Nicholas I’s sentints: "So shouldn’t we keep this empire hanging by a thread, to prevent them from leaving this world so soon? If it suddenly collapses, it would cause great trouble for Europe!"
"Mr. Ambassador, I believe that instead of allowing a terminally ill country to continue using our benevolence to survive, it would be better to let them et their end quickly!" Nicholas I obviously disagreed with Lord Seymour’s opinion and calmly reminded: "What I an is, when this terminally ill empire is about to disintegrate, we should accept the territories they abandon due to the collapse of order. Only in this way can we show the greatest rcy to this empire!"
Nicholas I had barely spoken a few sentences when he returned to the topic of dividing Ottoman Empire territories.
"Your Majesty, what do you intend to do?" Seymour looked at the emperor in front of him with great interest and inquired.
"We must guard against France’s troops entering the Near East region. Once they enter, the Russian Empire, to uphold the authority of the Eastern Orthodox Church, will have no choice but to send troops as well!" Nicholas I responded with an air of righteousness, cloaking his ambitions with the guise of a religious crusade to ease the hostility of European countries towards the Russian Empire.
Just as Jero Bonaparte masked his unspeakable ambitions to divide the Apennine Peninsula with the guise of Catholicism.
Nicholas I sincerely told Seymour again: "If the Kingdom of Britain can reach an agreent with the Russian Empire, then it doesn’t matter what the other countries think!"
Lord Seymour continued to smile at Nicholas I without speaking.
Perhaps to show his sincerity to Lord Seymour, Nicholas I also proposed a "gentleman’s agreent," assuring Lord Seymour that the Russian Empire had abandoned Empress Catherine’s territorial ambitions and had no desire to conquer Constantinople, wishing instead for it to exist as an international city.
"Your Majesty, if the Ottoman Empire is indeed facing collapse, how can you ensure that Constantinople’s administration will not also crumble?" Lord Seymour posed a sharp question.
"Once the Ottoman Empire faces collapse, the Russian Empire will temporarily act as a trustee to manage Constantinople! After everything has settled, the Russian Empire will withdraw from there!" Nicholas I confidently stated to Nicholas I.
Lord Seymour had no belief in Nicholas I’s approach of managing first and withdrawing later.
History has shown that once they swallow sothing, they never regurgitate it.
"I understand! I will report your recent remarks to London verbatim! I trust that the Pri Minister will make the right decisions!" Lord Seymour politely told Nicholas I.
"That would be quite helpful!" Nicholas I responded to Lord Seymour and then added, "I believe the Earl of Aberdeen will make the right judgnt!"
"I think so too!" Lord Seymour nodded, albeit insincerely.
Departing from the Catherine Palace, Lord Seymour took the train (one of the few lines in the Russian Empire, the Tsar’s toy) back to the embassy in St. Petersburg.
Within the embassy, Lord Seymour penned a letter detailing all of Nicholas I’s recent statents, along with his subjective opinions.
In the letter, Lord Seymour expressed a welcoming attitude towards the Russian Empire’s plan, even writing: "If Russia and Britain, the two most concerned Christian powers about Turkey’s fate, can occupy areas in Europe originally governed by Muslims, it would be a ’noble victory for the civilized world in the 19th century’."
This letter, sent from St. Petersburg on February 6, after a three-day "long journey" across land and sea, finally arrived in Lord Russell’s office on the afternoon of February 9.
When Lord Russell received and opened the letter from Lord Seymour, his usually calm deanor finally showed a hint of alarm.
After reading the letter, Pri Minister Russell imdiately proceeded to the Pri Minister’s office at 10 Downing Street to present the letter to Pri Minister Aberdeen.
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