On December 9, 1851, the Legislative Corps and the Senate of the Third French Republic officially renad it the French Empire. The tricolor flag that symbolized the Third French Republic was taken down by the loyal palace guards from the rooftops of the Tuileries Palace and Elysee Palace, and replaced with a tricolor flag bearing the emblem of the Bonaparte Clan.
The change in the national flag and na indicated that the Republic, which lasted more than three years, had beco history as of December 9, and France had once again returned to the embrace of a monarchy.
Although this empire, established by a national referendum, was an anomaly in the eyes of a true monarchy, it represented the greatest common denominator that the entire French populace could tolerate.
Compared to a traditional despotic empire, the revolutionary French Empire implented policies through referendums with a certain degree of democracy.
Compared to the Republic of the Great Revolution, the revolutionary French Empire was a little less fanatical, a bit more rational, and could also garner more goodwill than the Republic.
No one wanted to deal with a country prone to exporting revolutions at every turn.
Of course, this is not to say that the French Empire was without flaws. The Emperor, who presided over the Republic, naturally lacked a sanctity in legal terms, which, though intangible, truly affected relations between France and the European Monarchies.
Not to ntion how Jero Bonaparte’s uncle had repeatedly thrashed the European countries in the past, leaving many nations with lingering Francophobia.
As Jero Bonaparte announced the establishnt of the French Empire, the Russian Empire’s envoy, Vladimirovich, imdiately sensed the situation sliding towards the brink of war. He dispatched personnel to report Jero Bonaparte’s enthronent to the Russian Empire while also arriving at the Tuileries Palace to et with Jero Bonaparte.
At that mont, Jero Bonaparte was donned in a red imperial cloak embroidered with golden bee patterns on the outside, and a white long robe underneath. An olive branch golden crown was placed on his head, the Great Eagle dal, symbolizing France’s highest honor, was worn across his chest, and in his right hand, he held the Great Eagle Scepter.
When Vladimirovich saw Jero Bonaparte dressed this way, he almost thought the forr Emperor had descended upon the world once more.
Looking at the flustered Russian Empire envoy before him, Jero Bonaparte gently tapped the Persian red carpet with the Great Eagle Scepter, smilingly asking, "What brings you here in such a hurry, Mr. Envoy?"
Snapping back to reality, Vladimirovich realized that the man before him was rely a despicable imitator. He quickly composed himself and coldly said to Jero Bonaparte, "Your Excellency, do you rember what you once said to the Russian Empire?"
"Hmm?" Jero Bonaparte feigned surprise and asked, "What did I say back then?"
"You once told that you would never choose to beco Emperor! The French Republic would never turn into an Empire!" Vladimirovich emphasized word by word to Jero Bonaparte.
"Oh, so it was that!" Jero Bonaparte appeared to suddenly understand. He smiled modestly and then righteously replied, "This is the will of all the French people, even I, as the Supre Governor, cannot defy it!"
What will of all the French people! In the end, it’s just a show!
Of course, Vladimirovich would not believe Jero Bonaparte’s nonsense. Ever since Jero Bonaparte launched a coup, he had lost all credibility in Vladimirovich’s eyes.
As Vladimirovich’s understanding of France deepened, he beca increasingly convinced that Jero Bonaparte’s rise to Emperor was only a matter of ti.
However, he never expected Jero Bonaparte to be so impatient, choosing to establish the empire so swiftly.
Was he not afraid of interference from all of Europe?
"Your Excellency, I imagine you are aware of so problems you might face following your enthronent?" Vladimirovich’s words carried a hint of threat.
"Your Excellency, the establishnt of the Empire does not an the advent of war. I believe the establishnt of the Empire signifies the arrival of peace!" Jero Bonaparte responded leisurely, "Whether Empire or Republic, France is committed to upholding European peace and not becoming a country of hegemonic power politics!"
With a cold smile at the corner of his mouth, Vladimirovich replied, "I hope Your Excellency can be responsible for your actions!"
After finishing speaking, Vladimirovich left the Tuileries Palace without looking back.
Not long after Vladimirovich left, the Austrian envoy to France, Baron Hubert, also arrived at the Tuileries Palace.
Facing a Jero Bonaparte dressed in cosplay attire, Baron Hubert also wore a look of shock.
Imdiately afterward, Jero Bonaparte and Baron Hubert engaged in so discussions regarding the matter of becoming an Emperor.
"Your Majesty, I extend my personal congratulations to you!" Baron Hubert said to Jero Bonaparte with impeccable finesse.
"Thank you for your congratulations, I also hope that Austria will have more aspirants like you..." Jero Bonaparte responded to Baron Hubert.
Thereafter, Baron Hubert tactfully expressed that so "special" groups (mainly military aristocrats) within the Austrian Empire might make so aggressive actions due to Jero Bonaparte’s ascension to the throne, possibly threatening Lombardy or making moves in Southern Germany. He hoped that Jero Bonaparte would not be angered by these radical behaviors, and assured Jero Bonaparte that as long as Pri Minister Felix Schwarzenberg continued to serve as Minister of Foreign Affairs, France and Austria would not truly co to arms.
"The French Empire cherishes its friendship with the Austrian Empire, and we believe that the Austrian Empire will certainly stand with the French Empire. Although there may be so differences between our two countries, I am confident that as long as we work together, we can eliminate these differences." Jero Bonaparte once again responded to Baron Hubert using diplomatic terms.
"I also believe that the friendship between the French Empire and the Austrian Empire will endure!" Baron Hubert responded to Jero Bonaparte.
After exchanging views, Baron Hubert left the Tuileries Palace with a farewell from Minister of the Seal De Morini.
Afterwards, diplomatic envoys from Wurttemberg, Bavaria, and the Sardinian Dynasty all ca to the Tuileries Palace. They subtly expressed their support for Jero Bonaparte’s ascension as individuals.
For these diplomats who separated individual actions from collective ones, Jero Bonaparte still expressed his gratitude towards them.
He then individually invited them to attend his coronation ceremony, but except for the Wurttemberg envoy, the envoys from the remaining countries all tactfully declined Jero Bonaparte’s suggestion.
Jero Bonaparte, of course, understood that the reason they were unwilling to attend the coronation ceremony was largely because the French Empire had not yet truly integrated into the mainstream countries of Europe.
Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia had not expressed genuine acceptance.
Without a definitive stance from the major powers, how could these countries dare to express their own political positions?
Wurttemberg was different; it belonged to Jero Bonaparte’s maternal family, so it was reasonable for King William of Wurttemberg to send soone to witness his nephew’s coronation.
If investigated in detail, Wurttemberg, as part of the legitimate order, should not participate in the coronation either.
That night, Jero Bonaparte once again convened the Bonaparte eting at the Tuileries Palace.
Besides mbers of the Bonaparte Clan, attendees of this eting included so important figures from the Bonaparte Faction, including Mornay, Valerovsky, Saint Arno, Percy, Mane, Fuld (in a dormant state), Pariou, and the President of the Legislative Assembly Bijou.
The eting focused on when and where the coronation ceremony should take place, and whether Pope Pius IX should be invited to co to France for the coronation.
"I believe the sooner the coronation, the better! We have established the Empire, and the Empire cannot long remain without an emperor!" Minister of the Seal Mornay first proposed his opinion, which was supported by Pierre Bonaparte, Percy, Pariou, and others.
"Actually, we don’t need to rush the coronation ceremony, this way we can have more ti to prepare for the coronation!" Empress Princess Mathilde Bonaparte opposed, hoping Jero Bonaparte’s coronation could be made better. If Pope Pius IX could co, it would be even more perfect.
The forces supporting Mathilde Bonaparte were also considerable, including Valerovsky and Legislative Assembly President Bijou.
Besides these two factions, there was also a neutral faction led by Prince Monfort, who believed the speed of the coronation depended entirely on Jero Bonaparte’s own will.
Jero Bonaparte pondered for a mont, and after considering multiple aspects, he chose Mornay’s suggestion.
"The coronation should not be delayed! I plan to hold the coronation on December 12! If Pope Pius IX is unwilling to co, there’s no need to insist! We, with the support of over 8 million French people, do not need the Pope to validate us!" Jero Bonaparte made the final decision.
Despite his words, Jero Bonaparte couldn’t help feeling a tinge of regret.
If it weren’t for Pope Pius IX’s high demands (Pope Pius IX required Jero Bonaparte to hand over all education in France to the Church and to return so of the large-scale confiscated lands to the Church), he would have hoped for Pope Pius IX to add a divine touch to his coronation.
Mornay and others showed joyful expressions.
Having set the coronation date, Jero Bonaparte turned to the division of responsibilities for the coronation ceremony.
Since the French Empire represents the will of all French people, the Legislative Corps, representing French public opinion, must also participate in this coronation.
And the task of organizing the Legislative Corps was entrusted to Bijou and Valerovsky, while Mornay and others would follow Jero Bonaparte to share in this grand event.
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