January 10, 1851.
The constitution of the Third French Republic was finally completed after a month of drafting under the organization of Minister of Justice Rue.
Compared to the Second Republic, the constitution of the Third Republic is more lenient on the issue of presidential power, granting the President the authority to directly lead departnts and dissolve the parliant at any ti.
The Legislative Assembly was also renad the Legislative Corps, and every mber of the Legislative Corps must start as an "official candidate." Only with the status of an "official candidate" can one proceed to the next round of elections, and the President appoints the chairman and vice-chairman of the Legislative Corps from among the "delegates."
mbers of the Legislative Corps no longer receive salaries like during the Republic; each mber receives an allowance of 25 francs per day during etings.
The "Second Institute," which bears the functions of the Upper House, was also established on January 15. The Third Republic’s constitution stipulates that individuals who can enter the "Second Institute" include those who have already attained prestige in France, such as Cardinals, Marshals, Admirals, etc., besides those specifically approved by the President.
The constitution mandates that the number of mbers in the "Second Institute" cannot exceed 150, and it bears the functions of explaining the constitution, resolving issues not stipulated in the constitution, and reviewing laws.
Aside from the Legislative Corps and the "Second Institute," the constitution also establishes the Council of State, an independent body with its mbers appointed and dismissed directly by the President. The total number of mbers is approximately 40-50, with each receiving an annual allowance of 20,000 francs.
The President presides over the etings of the Council of State. In his absence, he appoints a vice-chairman for the etings. "Under the leadership of the President of the Republic, the Council of State drafts legislative proposals and governnt regulations, resolving difficulties encountered in administrative managent." Whenever the Senate and Legislative Corps convene, the Council of State, "in the na of the governnt," defends the proposed bills. The Council of State’s work involves both legislative and administrative areas, playing a complex role in political life.
The National Assembly and the Supre Court, two "behemoths" from the Second Republic period, have been entirely dismantled by Jero Bonaparte into administrative power-dominated organizations.
The Legislative Corps, Second Institute, and Council of State all outwardly sworn that the legislative power and judicial interpretative power have entirely beco appendages to administrative power, with Jero Bonaparte wielding complete administrative power over France.
On January 15, after a "tense" selection process, Jero Bonaparte finally completed the numbers for both the Council of State and the "Second Institute." Adhering to the principle of "better fewer than excessive," the first "Second Institute" chose 80 representatives, and the Council of State also conservatively selected 40 representatives.
On January 18, Jero Bonaparte announced the official comncent of the first "Legislative Corps" election of the Third French Republic.
To express their support for the new regi, governors of various provinces personally appointed "official candidates" for the elections. The provincial elections lasted 12 days, and aside from six "official opposition" mbers serving as fronts, the remaining Legislative Corps mbers were all fervent supporters of the new regi.
On January 31, President of the Third French Republic Jero Bonaparte personally departed from the Tuileries Palace to the Legislative Corps at the Bourbon Palace.
Within the Legislative Assembly at the Bourbon Palace, Jero Bonaparte received enthusiastic applause from all the Legislative Corps representatives.
"Let us invite Governor Jero Bonaparte to the stage for a speech!" Chairman Blair took the seat once occupied by Speaker Du Bin. Initially unwilling to serve as chairman, Blair was coercively placed in the position by Jero Bonaparte under the pretense of helping Bonaparte through difficult tis. Blair had no choice but to agree to serve as chairman for a while at Jero Bonaparte’s request.
Amid the enthusiastic applause from the Legislative Corps, Jero Bonaparte bowed to the representatives present. He slowly approached the podium to elaborate on the draft prepared by his Secretary General Valerovsky the previous night.
During the speech, representatives from the Legislative Corps frequently responded to Jero Bonaparte with warm applause.
The first Legislative Corps eting concluded with the departure of Jero Bonaparte.
Early the next morning, the Paris Newspaper began a full-force effort. The Observer proclaid, "The Legislative Corps is a symbol of French democracy!"
The Bonaparte Newspaper conducted an important evaluation of Jero Bonaparte’s speech.
Other newspapers aligned with the Bonaparte faction also praised the advanced nature of the "Legislative Corps" system from various angles. Even Proudhon made a rare positive remark about Jero Bonaparte, declaring, "Jero Bonaparte is a true socialist guardian!"
"Guardian?" Jero Bonaparte smirked as he looked at Proudhon’s People’s Daily’s evaluation of him.
If not for a certain understanding of Proudhon, he almost thought Proudhon was being sarcastic. There was no trace of a genuine socialist in what he was doing.
While Jero Bonaparte was happily reading various dostic and international newspapers, Secretary General Valerovsky entered the study.
"What happened?" Jero Bonaparte looked up at Valerovsky.
"Your Excellency, the Russian Diplomatic Envoy Vladimirovich requests an audience!" Valerovsky replied to Jero Bonaparte.
Vladimirovich? What is he here for?
Jero Bonaparte thought to himself, he did not understand whether Vladimirovich was bringing goodwill from the Russian Empire to France, or a declaration of war.
Jero Bonaparte put down the newspaper in his hand and ordered Valerovsky to bring the guest over.
After Valerovsky left the room, Jero Bonaparte slowly sat on the sofa.
Under Valerovsky’s guidance, Vladimirovich was soon brought before Jero Bonaparte.
"Your Excellency, Governor!" Vladimirovich respectfully expressed his admiration for this French dictator.
"Please sit down!" Jero Bonaparte extended his hand to invite Vladimirovich to sit.
Seeing Vladimirovich take a seat, Valerovsky left the study, having completed his task.
The study was left with only Jero Bonaparte and Vladimirovich.
"Your Excellency, Governor, congratulations on your victory over the parliant!" Vladimirovich congratulated Jero Bonaparte.
Jero Bonaparte replied in a flat tone, "It’s an obligation bestowed upon by the French people; I rely respect the wishes of all the French people!"
Vladimirovich smiled at this French dictator in front of him, not willing to believe a word from this dictator’s mouth.
Just half a year ago, Jero Bonaparte, then President, had solemnly "promised" him that he would step down on ti.
But who could have imagined that in rely half a year, the President, who once announced he would step down on ti, would beco a Governor with a ten-year term? Thankfully, this dictator still had a shred of decency, not anding his term to be lifelong.
When Vladimirovich presented everything that had happened in France to the Russian Empire, he warned the country to be cautious as Jero Bonaparte might very well transform the Republic into an Empire.
An even more unexpected scene unfolded for Vladimirovich. Upon receiving Vladimirovich’s letter, Tsar Nicholas I unusually rejoiced over the situation in the French Republic and personally penned a letter praising Jero Bonaparte for swiftly suppressing the "red revolution" and liberal actions and saving France.
Carl Nesselrode also in his letter asserted, "Jero Bonaparte decisively crushed the idle talk of the Reds and constitutionalist intellectuals, leaving them no chance to rise again!"
Upon receiving two letters nad and comnded, Vladimirovich almost began to wonder if there had been a mistake in the letter he initially sent to his holand.
Vladimirovich was not mistaken. The letter he sent from France to St. Petersburg was partially altered once it landed in the hands of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carl Nesselrode.
Carl Nesselrode believed this letter could have severe consequences for the Russian Empire, and rashly presenting it to the Tsar could plunge the Russian Empire into a financial crisis.
The Tsar, upon receiving the letter, would definitely not stand idly by as the French Republic fell completely into Jero Bonaparte’s hands. Should he deploy the army, it would inevitably lead to a financial crisis.
For a nation already riddled with issues, any major move would lead to a governnt financial crisis.
The Russian Empire had already paid the price for the Tsar’s whims between 1848 and 1850, and could certainly not do so again for the Tsar’s whims in 1851.
Carl Nesselrode filtered out so of the coup content of Jero Bonaparte becoming Governor, focusing on the crushing of the red revolution and the liberal factions.
If the truth were to co to light one day, Carl Nesselrode could use "misreporting" to kick Vladimirovich out of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ideally sending him to Siberia.
As expected, after receiving the letter submitted by Carl Nesselrode, Nicholas I was "pleased as a bear," personally penning a letter and instructing Carl Nesselrode to pass it to Jero Bonaparte.
The letter was sent out in late January, traveling across the sea and landing in Calais before reaching Vladimirovich.
After receiving the letter, Vladimirovich went to Jero Bonaparte and handed him the letter.
"This is a letter from our Majesty, Nicholas I, to you!" Vladimirovich handed the letter to Jero Bonaparte.
Jero Bonaparte took Vladimirovich’s letter, opened it, and after briefly skimming its contents, he smiled and said, "Thanks to Tsar Nicholas for his support! The French Republic will never forget the friendship with the Russian Empire! However..."
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