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"Hegel once said sowhere that all great world historical events and figures appear, so to speak, twice. The first ti as tragedy, the second ti as farce. Cossidier replaces Dandong, Louis Blanc replaces Robespierre, the Mountain Party of 1848-1850 replaces the Mountain Party of 1793-1795, nephew replaces uncle.

...History rely re-enacted the roles they once played, turning tragedy into farce. That French clown who stole presidential power by exploiting the illusion of his uncle that lingered in the hearts of the French people is still weaving the illusion that the Empire still exists on the French stage with lies and shalessness. While he exhausts himself to maintain his nearly collapsing rule with what he believes to be iron and blood, those bourgeois have already lost the decisiveness they once had against the proletariat in the face of this disguised iron and blood, instead rallying around this clown to maintain his rule.

But little do they know that Mr. Jero Napoleon was never on their side from the beginning, not even on the side of the great property owners.

Readers, I once said that the Orléans Dynasty was composed of an assembly of great bankers, stock kings, owners of coal, iron mines, and forests, and that part of the great landowners colluding with them, the so-called financial aristocracy. They occupied the throne, they enacted laws in parliant, they distributed various well-paid official positions, from cabinet ministers to governnt tobacco stores.

In that country, there was no place for the proletariat, not even for the bourgeoisie (specifically the industrial bourgeoisie).

The true industrial bourgeoisie was part of the formal opposition, aning that its representatives only held a minority in parliant. The more the despotism of the financial aristocracy developed into pure despotism, and the more the industrial bourgeoisie believed that after the uprisings of 1832, 1834, and 1839 were brutally suppressed, its dominance over the working class was consolidated, the firr its oppositional stance beca.

The struggle of the February Revolution overthrew the Orléans Dynasty, making the industrial bourgeoisie formally a part of the ruling class, and they turned their guns on their allies!

We can see these industrial bourgeoisie uniting with the financial aristocracy during the June events of 1848 and 1849, expelling the proletariat and small property owners from parliant, imposing stringent censorship on press under the state of martial law, disbanding secret societies, and bringing the proletariat back to the period of the Orleans Kingdom.

Yet what did these industrial bourgeoisie gain? The Auidon Barrow Cabinet fell, and Oppel, the general once loyal to financial professional manager Louis Philippe, was supported by Napoleon to a position that should not belong to him.

Oppel, this puppet pri minister, also understood his situation and chose to obey Napoleon.

Our Mr. Napoleon was finally able to hide behind the scenes and manipulate the beautiful France with intrigue.

In October 1849, the Audion Barrow-Falu joint cabinet fell, and a cabinet answerable only to Napoleon ca to power. In this cabinet, we see Fuld appointed as the Minister of Finance by Napoleon.

So readers may not understand who Fuld is, but it is enough to know that Fuld is intricately connected to the stock exchange and the Bank of France. Having Fuld join the Ministry of Finance is tantamount to formally handing over France’s national wealth to the stock exchange, managing the country for the stock exchange and through it.

As soon as Fuld was appointed, the financial aristocracy eagerly announced their restoration in the "Bulletin".

The industrial bourgeoisie was set up!

All signs indicate that from the first day of the Republic’s existence, it has not shaken off the domination of the financial aristocracy but has instead consolidated it.

At this point, so may ask if the financial aristocracy rules the Republic, why does the Rothschild family also suffer a heavy blow, as they are also a mber of the financial aristocracy.

This is where Napoleon was most clever and shaless. He saw the Rothschild’s position in France.

As Jas Rothschild, the financial dictator, controlled most of Paris’ financial power, he also incurred the jealousy of innurable financial aristocrats. Napoleon leveraged the instability within the financial aristocracy to actively strike against the Rothschild family, inciting public opinion with near-brigand thods to seize a large amount of money from the Rothschild Bank.

After dividing up the Rothschild family’s assets, Jero Bonaparte hypocritically announced the establishnt of the so-called "Worker Aid Center" in an attempt to buy a group of party mbers as foul as he with small favors.

Using the wealth of the Rothschild family to dissipate the resentnt of the petite bourgeoisie, to earn the Paris citizens’ continued illusions toward this decaying regi.

Our Mr. Jero Bonaparte stirred up the Parisians with lies and masks, and through this exceedingly cheap thod, beca the most influential person at the exchange and in Paris, upheld by the Bank of France to counter external forces.

We have reason to believe that Jero Bonaparte would never be content to just play Louis Philippe’s role, and a war between Jero Bonaparte and the Bank of France is inevitable.

..."

In the study of the Elysee Palace, Jero Bonaparte, sitting on the sofa, browsed through the content of the "People’s Daily", unknowingly finishing the first page, "Tsk tsk tsk! What insight worthy of soone standing at the pinnacle of this era..."

Feeling unsatisfied, Jero Bonaparte continued to flip through the next page.

"If the dismissal of Audion Barrow represents Jero Bonaparte’s suppression of the governnt, then the grand military parade held in mid-January near the Satori Plain by Versailles is undoubtedly Jero Bonaparte testing his grasp over the army and saring a layer of powder called ’peace’ over his insatiable desire for expansion in the future.

From Jero Bonaparte’s boastful declaration at the parade that the army is the guarantee of the French Republic and ’rises from glorious military’, this war poison disguised with ’peace’ and ’order’ is bound to be ingested by them the one day.

...

If the true Napoleon was adept at encouraging his fatigued soldiers through sudden displays of paternal care during the difficult campaigns of his aggressive expeditions, then the fake Napoleon believed that soldiers shouting "Vive Napoléon, vive le saucisson!"—aning "Long live the sausage, long live the jester!"—was their way of showing gratitude to him.

When Jero Bonaparte and his henchn, with the help of the army, soday seize France while the European countries are preoccupied with their own affairs, how will they then thank the aiding army!

I suppose there is no better way to express this fake Napoleon’s gratitude to the army than by starting a war.

Of course, our fake Napoleon does not have the capability to declare war on all of Europe like his uncle; he is most likely to engage in a symbolic war with second-rate countries in so remote corner of Europe [this is Engels’ speculation].

...

Seeing the signature of Jero Bonaparte on the second page of the newspaper, he slightly licked his dry lips, his mouth involuntarily breaking into a smile of excitent.

Even though he had long anticipated the arrival of this day, he could not remain calm when the day actually arrived!

Oh heavens! By what virtue or ability can I receive such an evaluation from Dr. Karl Marx!

"It is truly an imnse honor!" Jero Bonaparte exclaid uncontrollably, placing the newspaper on the table, assured that his na would infamously march through eternity alongside Karl Marx.

"Your Majesty, he insults you like this! And yet you..." Mokar, standing beside Jero Bonaparte, looked at him a bit dumbfounded, wondering if the President’s mind had gone awry, "Shouldn’t you be angry?"

"Angry?" Jero Bonaparte, suppressing a smile, responded to Mokar with a straight face, "I am indeed very angry!"

He then shrugged, making a helpless gesture towards the "People’s Daily" saying, "But there’s nothing we can do about the author of this article who stays in London all year round!"

"Your Majesty, I understand!" Mokar responded firmly.

Jero Bonaparte said in surprise, "What do you understand?"

"It’s quite simple to kill soone in London!" Mokar casually replied.

"Don’t even think about it!" Jero Bonaparte’s face changed drastically; he had barely managed to gain a mont of glory, perhaps even becoming the great villain in Soviet and so superpower’s textbooks, and he couldn’t let Mokar’s recklessness ruin it.

"Your Majesty, are we just going to let him slander you?" Mokar pointed to the newspaper and asked Jero Bonaparte.

"Of course!" Jero Bonaparte nonchalantly nodded, "Since we chose this path, there’s no need to fear more infamy! By the way, go call Marcel Yale over, and leave the rest to !"

"Yes!"

Mokar turned and left.

Soon, Marcel Yale arrived at Jero Bonaparte’s study.

By then he had already beco the acting director of the National Intelligence Bureau under the President’s Mansion, mainly responsible for dostic and foreign intelligence gathering.

"Have a seat!" Jero Bonaparte invited Marcel Yale to sit.

"Yes!" Marcel Yale cautiously sat down opposite Jero Bonaparte.

"I have a task for you!" Jero Bonaparte pointed to the "People’s Daily" and said to Marcel Yale, "Use your channels to send an allowance to this author."

He then added a reminder, "Ensure no one knows this money cos from the Elysee Palace, if necessary, it can be presented as a donation in the na of socialists!"

Marcel Yale looked at Jero Bonaparte incredulously; he didn’t quite understand what Jero Bonaparte intended to do.

"Is there any difficulty?" Jero Bonaparte asked again.

"No, nothing!"

You are reading Make France Great Again Chapter 212 "The Class Struggles in France, 1848—1850" Karl on novel69. Use the chapter navigation above or below to continue reading the latest translated chapters.
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