Jero Bonaparte’s sudden shift caused the smiles that had just appeared on the faces of those present, like Bastide, to freeze. They did not understand what this "unreliable" President was planning now.
"Mr. President, but what?" Bastide cautiously inquired of Jero Bonaparte.
"No need to worry!" Jero Bonaparte said with a smile, "I just want to hold a military parade in the suburbs of Paris before the state of martial law is lifted, to boost the morale of the French nation! At the sa ti, it can also deter so petty troublemakers!"
For the Republican Faction, President Jero Bonaparte’s condition was not sothing unacceptable.
Except for Cafenak, the solemn expressions of the Republican parliantarians finally relaxed. Bastide smiled again and responded to Jero Bonaparte: "Mr. President, as the Commander-in-Chief, you have the right to apply to the Legislative Assembly for a parade. I believe every patriotic mber of the Legislative Assembly will carefully and prudently consider this request!"
The implication of Bastide’s words was that the Republican Faction would not interfere with the President’s actions.
"So about the expenses..." Jero Bonaparte asked.
Although Jero Bonaparte had already raised a large sum of "military support funds" from the Paris "Pioneer of the Tis," he still hoped the assembly could cover the cost of the parade.
After all, the President’s Residence also needed to generate revenue.
Following Jero Bonaparte’s dismissal of Audion Barrot and reclaiming most of his powers, the Elysee Palace also beca a power center vortex. With greater power ca increasingly large expenses.
To manage the vast power accumulated at the Elysee Palace, Jero Bonaparte established nurous subordinate bodies in the Secretary of State and Police Station, such as the Special Confidential Bureau, Military Investigation Agency, Veterans Affairs Office, etc. These institutions attached to the Elysee Palace did not have a strict organizational structure (except for the Special Confidential Bureau, due to their military establishnt, they could siphon off part of the funds allocated by the Ministry of Finance to the Ministry of War), and because they were directly under Jero Bonaparte’s command, their operational funds also had to be covered by the President.
As everyone knows, Jero Bonaparte, as the President, has an annual salary of only 600,000 francs (an outright falsehood).
He, as the leader, is like an empty shell, and every night when he opens his eyes, the daily living expenses of hundreds of people depend on him.
Thus, adhering to the "fine" tradition of saving whenever possible, Jero Bonaparte still hoped that the Legislative Assembly would foot the bill for his actions.
"This..." Bastide hesitated for a mont, turning his gaze to Lamartine.
After all, Lamartine could represent the entire Republican Faction’s stance. He was rely more eloquent within the faction.
"If you are unwilling to agree to my request, then I’m afraid the state of martial law will be extended!" Jero Bonaparte openly threatened the Republicans.
The Republican’s faces once again showed gloomy expressions.
Right now, it’s a buyer’s market (with Jero Bonaparte as the buyer). As long as Jero Bonaparte wished, he could easily push aside the Legislative Assembly with a flick of his finger.
If not for the concern that the Legislative Assembly hasn’t completely shown its cards, Jero Bonaparte wouldn’t mind strangling them like his uncle did with the dissolution of the Five Hundred People’s Hall.
Jero Bonaparte’s threat was evidently very effective, as the Republicans under the state of martial law didn’t dare guarantee the President wouldn’t do sothing out of line.
Lederer Roland’s failure made them realize it was difficult for them (the Republicans) to mobilize the Parisians to oppose despotism, so they could only proceed according to the existing frawork.
Even if this frawork was disadvantageous to them!
"Mr. President, we, on behalf of the Republican Faction, agree to your request!"
As the "Party Whip," Lamartine gave the final word. He also didn’t want the election to be delayed over this matter. The Republicans could only consider limiting the President if they defeated the Order Party in the election.
"That’s wonderful!" Jero Bonaparte smiled, extending his hand and saying readily, "Deputy Lamartine, I look forward to our cooperation!"
Lamartine’s face showed a hint of disdain. As an "idealist," Lamartine rejected Jero Bonaparte’s notion of "cooperation," but he had no choice but to continue feigning agreent with Jero Bonaparte.
"I look forward to our cooperation!" Lamartine chanically replied as he extended his hand.
The two hands slightly touched and quickly separated.
After discussing the major issue, Jero Bonaparte courteously asked Lamartine if he would like to dine at the Elysee Palace.
"No, thank you, Mr. President!" Lamartine decisively refused the dinner invitation.
If it weren’t for Mr. Thiers asking him to et, he wouldn’t have wanted to et with Jero Bonaparte at all.
Jero Bonaparte was unaware that to Lamartine, seriousness ant he was a complete and utter refined egoist.
An idealist and a refined egoist are never on the sa path from the beginning.
"Percy, escort the deputies out for !"
Rejected, Jero Bonaparte shook his head and ordered Percy to escort the Republican deputies out of the Elysee Palace.
The Republican deputies left the Elysee Palace under Percy’s "escort."
Walking along the road, Cafenak could no longer suppress the inexplicable anger in his heart and sternly questioned Bastide, "Mr. Bastide, do you know the consequences of these actions? Bonaparte’s excessive contact with the military will only increase his ambitions!"
No one in the Republican Faction understood the military better than Cafenak.
The military never lacks soldiers who dare to take risks. Once these people get involved with him, there will inevitably be trouble for the military.
[Cafenak didn’t know that many neutral and Republican-leaning soldiers in the Ministry of War had already been transferred by Renio.]
Bastide glanced at Cafenak and said coldly, "Deputy Cafenak, tell what we should do now! We can disagree with his parade, and then what? The state of ergency continues, and we are at risk of being arrested at any ti! It’s better to end the state of ergency as soon as possible."
Bastide pointed out the Republicans’ predicant sharply—they simply had no power to negotiate with Jero Bonaparte; only the victor can impose terms on the defeated.
Cafenak was rendered speechless for the mont. After a while, he showed a helpless smile and said, "You’re right!"
Bastide also ceased to argue aggressively, encouraging the deputies around him, "Gentlen, we can think from another perspective! Jero Bonaparte agreeing to lift the state of ergency indicates he lacks confidence in controlling Paris with the military. Parisians have awakened! They don’t need a tyrant, and I suspect Jero Bonaparte’s next move will likely take the parliantary struggle route, which gives us an opportunity!"
The deputies present, encouraged by Bastide, also erged from their dejection. As long as he continued down the path of parliantary struggle, they would have a chance to win.
The Republican deputies believed that democracy and the Republic would eventually find a place in every French person’s heart, and the era of tyrants would be gone forever.
The next morning.
Bastide and Lamartine went together to Puevert Street to et with Thiers, and inford Thiers that the state of ergency was about to be lifted.
"So, you succeeded!" Thiers looked at Lamartine in surprise, for he had never thought that Bonaparte could agree so readily to lift the state of ergency.
For this, he had already prepared to call for the impeachnt of Jero Bonaparte in the National Assembly if the Republican deputies failed, for not willing to lift the state of ergency.
Now that Jero Bonaparte agreed smoothly to repeal the state of ergency, Thiers could not help but suspect whether he and the Republicans had reached an agreent.
Faced with Thiers’ suspicious gaze, Lamartine said blandly, "Mr. Thiers, regarding the lifting of the state of ergency, I share the sa goal as you do, so you needn’t have any doubts about this! We did indeed agree to the President’s conditions..."
Lamartine told Thiers the conditions proposed by Jero Bonaparte: "I believe you and your party wouldn’t oppose them either!"
"Of course!" Thiers responded without hesitation, he too unwilling to see the state of ergency persist at the cost of losing an extra source of inco.
This would only lead to more and more people circling around the Elysee Palace.
January 1, 1850.
The Legislative Assembly reconvened, with Secretary of State General Saint Arno standing in for Minister of War Renio to face the National Assembly’s routine inquiries.
Although this session was just a routine project, the entire assembly was naturally filled with an inexplicable tension.
"General Saint Arno, regarding last December, you and your Minister General Renio declared a state of ergency without the Legislative Assembly’s consent! How do you explain this?" Marast said sternly to Saint Arno.
"I do not consider this a unilateral state of ergency!" Saint Arno rebutted without fear: "We imposed the ergency at the President’s command. As the highest Commander-in-Chief of the army, the President is constitutionally empowered to declare a state of ergency! Additionally, Commander Changarnier of the Paris Defense also agreed to the plan!"
Saint Arno’s reliance on Changarnier and Jero Bonaparte’s authority left Marast with no grounds for rebuttal; procedurally speaking, Saint Arno had made no mistake.
"Then how do you explain the shooting incident involving the Second Brigade in the Temple District!" Marast inquired further.
"You can ask the Parisians this question—what do they think of the shooting!" Saint Arno arrogantly relied on public support, looking disdainfully at Marast and said: "Had the military not been stationed there, those scoundrels might never have received the punishnt they deserve!"
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