February 2, 1940
Southern Germany, 7th Military District, Munich
“The annulnt of the Treaty of Versailles, the annexation of Austria, the restoration of the Hohenzollern. We have already made plenty of concessions to Germany.
There can be no compromise on our demands.”
The negotiation, held in a setting that was called a conference but was truly ant for an ultimatum, continued with only France’s one-sided assertions.
How could there be a compromise when they were demanding the complete liberation of Czechia, including the Sudetenland, and an end to the war with no gains after all the blood that had been shed?
“You never took issue with the annexation of Austria, the Austrian residents participated voluntarily, and there’s even a plebiscite scheduled. What concessions are you talking about?”
When my father, Hjalmar Schacht, retorted sarcastically, French Pri Minister Paul Reynaud narrowed his eyes, but soon glared back at my father and replied.
“And Germany? You said you would liberate Czechoslovakia and form a democratic governnt, but has any of that been realized?”
“Ah, so you’re talking about that. Then let’s decide now.
We will recognize the Czechoslovak governnt-in-exile as the official governnt and acknowledge its liberation.”
France’s Paul Reynaud and ??douard Daladier’s faces crumpled, and they whipped their heads toward Czechia’s Edvard Bene??.
Edvard Bene?? himself remained silent with his eyes lowered, while Britain’s Pri Minister Halifax watched with a look of fascination.
That Britain, it was the sa during the acknowledgnt of Wilhelm III’s enthronent.
They never seem to put down the popcorn. I’m quite envious.
“What do you an by that? You’re really going to liberate Czechia?”
At Paul Reynaud’s remark, my father smiled with just the corners of his mouth, as if he’d heard sothing amusing.
“Why, did you think we were just paying empty words to the liberation of Czechia? All territory except the Sudetenland will be liberated, and Germany will guarantee the independence of Czechoslovakia.
We’re restoring the ‘peace for our ti’ that ca after the Munich Agreent.”
My father deliberately emphasized ‘peace for our ti,’ and the reactions were starkly divided.
“Hmm, then at least the Czech issue will be resolved. As the Pri Minister of Britain, I wish to comnd Germany’s decision.”
“Nonsense! Doesn't this just an you'll swallow the Sudetenland in the end! There's no way Czechoslovakia will accept this!”
The favorable side was Britain, the opposing side was France.
Britain had been subtly spreading propaganda that the civil war against Hitler, and thus the establishnt of the Fourth Reich, was possible because they had bought ti with the Munich Agreent.
Halifax, a pri minister who was forrly the Minister of Foreign Affairs, had a need to clean up the image of the Munich Agreent, which he and Chamberlain had signed, as a major diplomatic failure for the Conservative Party, and we had humored Britain by not bringing it up.
So from Britain’s perspective, us liberating Czechia as promised and returning to the order of the British-led Munich Agreent was more than enough of a favorable gesture.
“Isn’t the decision to accept that up to the Czechoslovak governnt-in-exile, not France? Or does France, which helped Hitler tear Czechia apart with Poland, think differently?”
France, which should have protected Czechoslovakia, has a history of pressuring the Czech governnt so that Poland could quickly take Cieszyn under the pretext of helping an ally during the Munich Agreent.
Stung by my father’s sharp remark, French Pri Minister Paul Reynaud gritted his teeth and whipped his head toward Edvard Bene??.
“France has supported the governnt-in-exile all this ti. I trust you wouldn't abandon the Sudetenland and take Germany's hand now.”
I let out a cynical laugh. They were the ones who had torn off the Sudetenland and fed it to Hitler.
What good was their support for the governnt-in-exile? Had they done anything before Germany beca weakened by civil war and a two-front war?
Edvard Bene?? remained silent for a mont with his eyes closed, but soon opened his mouth.
“The Czechoslovak governnt-in-exile will accept Germany’s proposal.”
“No way! This is betrayal!”
At the shout of ??douard Daladier, a party to the Munich Agreent, Bene?? shot him a cold look and replied.
“Betrayal is what you people did during the Coercive Treaty of Munich last ti.”
Reynaud and Daladier couldn’t hide their bewildernt, but the Radical Party had likely staked everything on this eting, and they couldn’t accept defeat just like that.
“Our demands were not singular.
Even if you liberate Czechia, Germany is still a nation that has plundered the Sudetenland, and the German military that served Hitler is still waging a war for expansion!”
Halifax watched with a very interested face as Pri Minister Reynaud gave his passionate speech and my father listened with a bored expression.
Unlike Hitler’s Germany, which was a significant concern for Britain, they probably don’t see us, who are fighting successive battles after a civil war, as that great of a threat.
Thanks to Hitler's bravado, Germany's military power, which had kept the Allied Forces in fear, began to be assessed sowhat objectively through the civil war and the war against Poland and Italy.
The reason France could co out to stop us now, even by making a sowhat unreasonable move, is paradoxically because they judged that the current Germany couldn't handle all three countries if France were to enter the war.
“We have agreed to implent the liberation of Czechia as promised. And yet, just as we are trying to oust Hitler and create a democratic nation, you will attack us if we don’t end the war and render all of Germany’s sacrifices in a war caused by their invasion worthless? In a self-proclaid democratic nation?”
Even at my father's words, Daladier replied resolutely.
“It wasn’t just Germany; Italy and Poland also shed imnse blood. France’s stance is to prevent further aningless sacrifice.
Besides, Germany is not yet a democratic nation…”
“Hahaha.”
Listening to Daladier, I couldn't help but laugh, and the French delegation shot
looks that could kill.
“This is an official conference! Does the Vice Minister have no basic courtesy?”
“Ah, my apologies. Perhaps because I’m still young and inexperienced, I found it a bit hard to listen without reacting.”
As the officials in the conference hall clicked their tongues, I looked back and forth between Paul Reynaud and ??douard Daladier before opening my mouth.
“Isn’t it an irony to threaten to start a war to stop aningless sacrifice? We waged a war to end all wars, and yet we’ve learned nothing from it.
And…”
I deliberately added a slight pause before continuing.
“Not a democratic nation yet? I didn't expect to hear this from a democratic nation, but if there's a way to hold an election while having occupied territory, I'd like to hear it.
Does democracy nowadays an abandoning the people of occupied land to hold an election?”
Daladier let out an ahem at my words, and I passed the turn to my father.
“Since France is going on about Germany’s military expansion, we’ll make a proposal.
Germany will not demand the cession of any territory other than those lost by Germany and Austria in the last war.”
“Then, the territory you intend to demand is…”
At the question from British Foreign Minister Alexander Cadogan, our Foreign Minister Weizs??cker replied.
“From Poland, Danzig and the Corridor, and Posen (Poznań). From Italy, Südtirol and the Istrian Peninsula.
We guarantee that we will make no demands for any other territory.”
Britain’s Halifax and Cadogan looked thoughtful, while Reynaud and Daladier were incensed.
“Isn’t that a denial of the results of the last great war? And the Istrian Peninsula! Does that not an you intend to extend your greedy ambition to the diterranean Sea!”
At Reynaud's accusation, my father pretended to think for a mont before speaking.
“I see.
Ah, the diterranean was ‘your’ domain, wasn't it? I didn’t think of it, as Germany has little interest in that area. Then we’ll give up the Istrian Peninsula as well.
In return, shouldn’t we also get a guarantee from both your countries that you will not interfere in the subsequent war between Poland-Italy and Germany?”
At this, Reynaud and Daladier’s side flinched, and Halifax clapped his hands and spoke.
“Excellent.
From Britain’s perspective, these conditions seem quite rational. If you liberate Czechoslovakia and limit your demands for territory cession, Britain will guarantee that it will no longer interfere in the war between Germany and Poland-Italy.”
Since it was a war with little justification anyway, there was no reason for Britain to side with France at this point.
Britain had been willing to go to war to protect Poland from Hitler, but that sa Poland had ignored Britain and launched a preemptive invasion on Germany.
As long as we weren’t going to cause its downfall, they probably had no desire to save Poland.
If Germany could be reasoned with, Britain had no need to stake its neck on an unruly Poland, which was weaker than Germany in national power.
Not to ntion Italy.
Of course, we had intended to give up the Istrian Peninsula from the start; we had only ntioned it to bait France.
It ant that prior negotiations with Britain had already taken place.
Perhaps sensing the mood, Reynaud and Daladier’s faces beca flushed with anger.
France must have pushed for this conference thinking that Britain, an ally in na only, would be wary of Germany's excessive growth and would at least remain neutral.
“Is Britain really fine with such conditions? Doesn't that an you're turning Germany back to before the Treaty of Versailles!”
“How could that be? Germany’s previous guarantee of the French and Belgian borders is still valid.
With the threat of communism in the east, what good would it do to put more pressure on a Germany that is currently being invaded?”
Paul Reynaud, who had been speaking in an agitated tone, fell silent at Halifax's words.
“Our recognition of the western borderline remains unchanged, as stated before.
Does France intend to not accept, even after coming this far?”
My father asked with his peculiar unpleasant smile, and Reynaud and Daladier looked at each other, then rose from their seats.
“…We have no intention of agreeing to a stage that has been set up for Germany’s benefit.”
In the end, France doesn't agree. If they surrendered to Germany again, their Radical Party regi would be finished.
"This seems like a decent proposal. As an ally, I can only express concern over France's actions."
Reynaud and Daladier were about to leave but glared at Halifax for his remark, and I opened my mouth towards them.
“…What an irony.”
Reynaud and Daladier, on their way out, threw a glance at .
“The Germany that suffered under a dictator rose up for the freedom of its people, yet France, a so-called democratic nation, is thinking of driving its people to war in the na of the state.”
Paul Reynaud let out a hollow laugh and left, while Daladier remained and looked at .
“No one in this room has the right to drive their people into another great war.”
Daladier heard my words, but turned his back and left without a reply.
“Regrettable. Still, the terms of the agreent from this eting and Germany’s deal with us will remain valid, correct?”
After the French delegation had left, my father nodded and replied to Halifax’s relaxed and brazen remark.
“Of course.”
It seems France tried to do so lobbying with Britain, but France, reeling from the Great Depression, held a different hand than we did, and my father’s great skill made Britain side with us.
Thanks to Adenauer, who had done a spectacular job confiscating the property of Nazis and collaborator companies, far beyond our initial expectations, we were able to sell additional companies to Britain.
Additionally, with the recent increase to the naval budget, we decided to invite British companies for collaboration.
Our own companies might complain, but what can they do when the biggest buyers, the governnt and the Navy, welco it?
This way, Britain gets to make money and also gains so insight into Germany's naval power, which they've had no clue about since Hitler's bluffs.
And we, in turn, can recover at least so of our severely outdated technology, which has been stagnant since the last great war, through joint ventures with British companies.
Of course, Britain won't just hand over all of their core naval technology, but at the very least, we might be able to improve the Bismarck, Tirpitz, and Graf Zeppelin, which are still under construction, or the auxiliary ships we'll build in the future.
There was the trivial matter that our capital ships were revealed to have completely ignored the naval disarmant treaty, which had to be resolved by lobbying the German-British Cooperation Organization to pass it off as a problem of the Nazi regi and persuade them it was necessary for command of the sea against the Soviets…
Since we'd already promised to increase the naval budget, there's no reason to waste our precious as blood budget on Germany’s outdated technology.
For two purposes at once, it's the optimal way to reassure Britain and show that we have no hostile intentions toward them.
“Ah, and the British Army is taking note of the impressive performance shown by Germany's armored units.
If possible, we'd like to consider a military agreent on that front as well.”
“That is an attractive offer.”
Halifax and my father, who had discussed this in considerable detail before the conference, exchanged a handshake.
It is sowhat frustrating that France has set the stage twice only for Britain to reap all the benefits, but this has considerably weakened France's justification.
In truth, we never seriously thought the Radical Party wanted war. They were dragged this far because they were afraid of another great war; it's unlikely they'd suddenly beco warmongers now.
The best outco for them would have been for Czechia and Britain to side with them or at least remain neutral, forcing us to surrender to their threat of war.
But that’s a happy ending for France alone.
It’s no different from Hitler, who believed to the end that as long as Britain didn’t enter the war, it was okay to strike Poland.
The Radical Party is just in a desperate struggle to avoid being crushed by the debt accumulated from being dragged around by Hitler and losing the diplomatic war against us.
After the conference ended, I picked up the telephone and requested a connection.
[Army General Staff Headquarters, Major General Tresckow speaking.
]
“Major General. Please relay this to the Chief of the General Staff.
The operation is to comnce.”
[Understood.
]
General Tresckow ended the call imdiately. Will they expect us to attack Poland before the 48-hour limit of France's ultimatum is up?
The operation prepared by Manstein, with the best armored commanders at its vanguard, will slice to pieces the Polish Army, who are likely breathing a sigh of relief due to France’s ultimatum.
French public opinion will boil over even more, but their justification, shunned by Britain and Czechoslovakia, won't go beyond national animosity toward Germany and stopping our recovery of forr territory.
In the end, whether to declare war while accepting such a weak justification or not is in France's hands.
All we can do is weaken their justification as much as possible, crush their allies, and play every card we have to break their will to fight.
Surrender and lose the regi, or face a great war.
A ga of chicken with no retreat route, wagered on the fate of a nation.
The Nazi bastards took all the gambles, and now we're the ones taking all the bla.
Damn it, Hitler's ghost won't leave us alone even in death.
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