The plans for the coup were proceeding smoothly. The recruitnt targets we selected had been carefully chosen over several months, even referencing the knowledge I possessed from the original history, so most of them joined us with ease.
Manstein, to the end, maintained an opportunistic attitude, stating that on the day of the event, he would remain in his original post as the chief of staff of Army Group South. Considering his personality, it wasn't exactly an unexpected move.
After all, what we need from Manstein is for him to use his brilliant mind to properly formulate our operational plans. As was the case in the original history, the German army has many tactically superior generals who can execute a well-laid plan.
What makes him irreplaceable is his ability to place those generals and units in the right places at the right tis to craft the optimal offensive plan.
His opportunistic side is annoying, but if Manstein, while testing the waters, happens to hit the jackpot and gets even a part of Army Group South to join the resistance, that would be a good thing in its own right.
The problem was my ntor, Walther Model. I knew of his phenonal abilities and was personally grateful to him, so I wanted to win him over if possible.
However, he is a rigid man who is extrely wary of soldiers getting involved in politics and who goes around saying, as if by habit, that loyalty to the state and the regi is a soldier's virtue.
Furthermore, in the aftermath of his last demotion, he is still a major general.
He was appointed chief of staff of the 4th Corps, part of Army Group South, thanks to Brauchitsch's protection, but—
The mbers of the Black Orchestra judged that approaching Major General Model, who seed unlikely to be persuaded and would at best perform the chief of staff role that Manstein was already fulfilling, would only increase the risk of the plan being leaked.
Although he shuns politics, the fact that he has a close relationship with the Army Commander-in-Chief Brauchitsch, who had disappointed the Black Orchestra many tis and was now classified as a pro-Nazi figure, was also a cause for caution.
That he would later display abilities even more formidable than Manstein's as a field commander, earning a reputation as the greatest defensive expert of World War II, is sothing no one at this point knows.
Or that at the end of the war, on the verge of defeat, he would defend Germany to the last in a desperate situation, fending off the overwhelming enemy advancing from the front while dealing with the SS in the rear, who were demanding he hand over officers accused of rebellion, only to end his own life, blaming himself for having fought for a criminal regi.
At this point, only I know his true nature. But there was no way to convince the leadership of the Black Orchestra of that.
Even I don't really think Walther Model will agree, so in the end, I had to give up on persuading him.
If possible, I didn't want to fight him, but considering his superior, Brauchitsch, whom he trusts and follows, that is nothing but a hopeful wish.
In this tiline, will he also fight for the Nazi regi, only to lant that he fought for a criminal governnt?
…Will he forgive ? I don't know.
---
July 22, 1939
Berlin, Northern Germany, at a residence owned by Hjalmar Schacht In the original history, less than six weeks remained until the outbreak of World War II.
At my father's residence, which had once again beco a safe house for the resistance's working-level mbers, all the key figures of this plan were gathered.
, Lieutenant Colonel Oster, the Deputy Director of the Abwehr and a core instigator; and Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, who introduced
to the resistance and has consistently helped
since the Munich Agreent.
And Erich Kordt, Director of the Foreign Ministry's European Departnt. Finally, Claudia, our contact from the Frankfurter Zeitung.
"Captain Schacht, Ribbentrop has really begun to consider cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union."
At the words of Erich Kordt, the Director of the European Departnt, I had a premonition that the inevitable had arrived.
The resistance's coup preparations were nearly complete.
Unlike the Sudetenland Crisis, when we had so little ti to prepare, my own standing had grown considerably, and while the higher-ups in the Black Orchestra kept their distance from the resistance, it actually enabled faster work among the on-the-ground mbers.
The level of warnings and pressure from France and Britain was escalating day by day, and when Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov issued a statent on July 17 during the Anglo-Franco-Soviet talks that a military pact must be considered, the sense of crisis grew, fearing that an invasion of Poland might lead to war with the Soviet Union as well.
The problem is the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact.
The mont that is signed, the German public and the military will be greatly relieved that there will at least be no war with the Soviet Union, and they'll fall for Hitler's boasts that Britain and France won't dare to join the war, and end up invading Poland.
That pact must be stopped, no matter what it takes.
"Ribbentrop believes that the dismissal of the Jewish Litvinov in April and his replacent with Molotov was a choice made with an eye toward appeasing us. He also thinks their statent on July 17 is, in fact, proof that Britain and France's response has been lukewarm."
Looking at it this way, even though Ribbentrop may be ignorant of diplomatic practices and etiquette, he surprisingly does have a sharp intuition.
The dismissal of Soviet Foreign Minister Litvinov was not exactly a gesture of appeasent aid at Germany. It was just Stalin's style of personnel managent, replacing the opinionated Litvinov with the yes-man Molotov.
On the other hand, Ribbentrop was spot on about the Soviet statent urging a military pact during the Anglo-Franco-Soviet talks. As soon as Molotov took office, he tried to realize the Anglo-Franco-Soviet triple alliance that Litvinov had envisioned to check Germany.
However, Britain and France did not trust a communist state that openly spoke of world revolution, and when their ally, Poland, ca out strongly against any cooperation with the Soviet Union due to historical animosity, they responded coolly to the hand the Soviets extended.
The Soviet statent issued on July 17 was an expression of that anxiety.
The average German citizen and the military, who were not well-versed in the diplomatic situation, were greatly worried by that statent, fearing the possibility of Soviet intervention in the event of a Polish invasion, but just as the Soviets feared, the Anglo-Franco-Soviet talks bore little fruit.
In fact, it is what makes Stalin, deeply disappointed in them, choose the non-aggression pact with Germany despite their ideological enmity.
"…Cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union must never be realized. The German public and military's opinion is already consud by anxiety about war, and if we were to achieve any diplomatic success with the Soviet Union, it would make our operation difficult."
"But Captain Schacht.
I'm sorry to say this now, but if by so chance we could join hands with the Soviet Union and strike Poland, wouldn't it be possible to reclaim Danzig and the Corridor that Germany so desires? I doubt those cowards Britain and France would declare war without the Soviet Union as a backer…"
It was Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, puffing heavily on a cigarette, who objected to my words. Right, this is the problem.
If the non-aggression pact is signed, the vast majority of the German people and the military will think this way.
"Britain and France will declare war unconditionally, Lieutenant Colonel."
Tresckow raised an eyebrow at my words, but he waited for
to continue.
"The reason Britain and France gave in to us during the Sudetenland Crisis with a humiliation like the Munich Agreent was not because they thought Germany was stronger than them. Firstly, it was because avoiding war was more favorable for winning the voters' hearts."
The Munich Agreent is often condemned as the world's worst deal, a giveaway by a Chamberlain intimidated by Hitler's bluff, but the British Pri Minister wasn't that foolish.
They may have overestimated Germany's military strength and wanted to avoid a war before their own rearmant was complete, but Britain and France did not seriously believe they would lose if they went to war with Germany during the Sudetenland Crisis.
As politicians in democratic countries sensitive to public opinion, they simply wanted to avoid war.
Having fought a world war just 20 years earlier and shed the blood of countless young n, they didn't want to bear the political risk of starting another one, so they figured that if they could avoid war, even by selling out a minor ally, it was a profitable trade.
A man who had experienced ‘the war to end all wars’ (an expression for the horrors of World War I), and a leader of a country at that, had taken even the Sudetenland.
For such a man to promise with his own hand that he would make no more territorial demands, only to backstab them less than half a year later like a madman—wasn't that impossible to predict?
"And secondly, it was because we were a staunchly anti-communist nation. They wanted to satisfy us and use us as a check against the Soviet Union, even if it ant letting our national power grow sowhat."
Stalin's suspicion, upon seeing Britain and France's passivity in the Anglo-Franco-Soviet talks, was not entirely baseless.
The prospect of two powerful dictatorships fighting to their mutual destruction—wasn't that an incredibly tempting scenario for those who wanted to avoid war after the last one?
"However, if we join hands with that sa Soviet Union, they can never stand by and watch us grow. Not for the sake of winning elections, nor from a strategic perspective.
And it's not like the Soviet Union would help us in a war we start with them. Isn't that right, Director Kordt?"
Director Kordt thought for a mont before answering my question.
"From my position overseeing European diplomacy, the Captain's opinion is quite plausible. I'm not so sure about the parts you're so certain about, but even I didn't expect Ribbentrop to pursue cooperation with the Soviet Union… Perhaps the Captain is better than I am.
Haha…"
"Not at all, Director. On the contrary, you are always the one helping ."
Saying that pricks my conscience a little, since I only know this because I've seen it from the modern era…
"Captain Schacht, I understand your point that we must prevent cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union.
The faith in Hitler that soared after the Munich Agreent has just begun to waver due to the threat of war, and we can't let that go to waste. But, how do you plan to stop it?"
Lieutenant Colonel Oster's question was sothing I had pondered for quite a long ti myself.
The German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact. How could I stop it?
Using the Abwehr to sow discord between Germany and the Soviet Union is not feasible; the Abwehr is already expending a lot of its resources on carrying out the coup plan and concealing the process.
Besides, the Soviet intelligence agencies of this era are extrely competent. Even the British and French intelligence agencies were played for fools, so trying anything funny would be too risky.
In the end, no matter how much I thought about it, there was only one answer.
"Has Ribbentrop inford Hitler about the cooperation with the Soviet Union yet?"
"As he always does, he marveled at his own sudden idea and then went ho for the day. He hasn't laid out a concrete plan yet, so… I can't be sure, but it seems he hasn't yet."
Even if I want to question whether this is really the only way, there is no ti.
If I delay now, World War II will break out, and then it's all over.
From here on, the tiline will completely diverge from the original history, so knowing history will beco aningless.
It will truly co down to the capabilities of myself and the resistance.
"…Let's eliminate Ribbentrop."
Fortunately, the non-aggression pact is practically Ribbentrop's one-man show.
None of the Nazis, a fascist regi built on anti-communism, could have conceived of joining hands with the Soviet Union to carve up Poland.
Perhaps it was because Ribbentrop was a diplomat who started as a liquor salesman, with zero practical skills, that he was capable of such an unconventional idea, unbound by ideology or diplomatic preconceptions.
Since most of the Foreign Ministry personnel, like Undersecretary Weizs??cker or Director of the European Departnt Erich Kordt, are on our side, if Ribbentrop is gone, we can sohow manage to at least prevent the non-aggression pact.
"It's too risky, Captain.
With the D-day so close, maximizing the Nazis' vigilance now is…"
Lieutenant Colonel Oster's concern is entirely justified. To be honest, I didn't want to resort to this thod either, but…
"We'll cover that part up by disguising it as a hate cri by Jews or the Red Orchestra as much as possible. If the public and the military feel reassured again at this point, our chance to stage the coup before the war will be gone forever."
"The leadership won't agree.
I trust you, but frankly, I also have a nagging feeling that you might be overreacting…"
At the reluctant words of Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, I had to bite my lip. Dammit, how am I supposed to make them understand the knowledge that only I possess?
"Your concerns and diplomatic views seem plausible enough to
as well.
But I have to agree with Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow that the leadership won't consent. Even if we were to proceed, we would have to handle it ourselves.
Who would take on such a risk?"
The answer to Lieutenant Colonel Oster's words was already decided. If even these people, who have trusted each other and co this far, are like this, there's no way the leadership would listen and approve.
"I'll do it."
"No, you can't."
But the mont I said I would, I was t with Lieutenant Colonel Oster's opposition.
"Whether the elimination of Ribbentrop succeeds or fails, the perpetrator must flee abroad or sowhere. There's a limit to the Abwehr's cover-up operations. Therefore, you, as a key working-level mber of the plan, absolutely cannot do it."
Damn it, so it's no good after all.
If we try to stage the coup before the non-aggression pact is signed, our justification will be severely lacking. I have to stop it sohow, but there's no way.
"I'll do it. I've worked as a Foreign Ministry journalist for a long ti, so I'm acquainted with Ribbentrop, and he'll be less wary of , making it easier to approach him."
The one who stepped forward while we were lost in thought was Claudia.
"Wait, Claudia."
"What? Reporter Jung, I appreciate your resolve, but this isn't sothing a civilian should get involved in."
Despite mine and Oster's horrified cries, Claudia continued to speak with unwavering eyes.
"My father, Edgar Julius Jung, was the secretary to the forr Chancellor who handed power to Hitler, Franz von Papen. Papen gained attention for his speech opposing Hitler at the University of Marburg."
The speech at the University of Marburg.
I know that Franz von Papen, who openly opposed Hitler before he beca Führer in 1934, drew the attention of Britain and France, and an enraged Hitler and Goebbels tried to prevent the speech's publication but failed.
"That speech, I helped my father write it. I had just entered university and was full of illusions, so I had no idea what consequences it would bring. …Two weeks later was the Night of the Long Knives."
To , it was just an event that made
think, 'Oh, so that happened too.
' An event that, to most people living in the modern era, has little connection to World War II and is therefore unimportant.
"While dealing with the Sturmabteilung, the Nazis also eliminated political enemies they found botherso. But Franz von Papen was already a politician in the eyes of Britain and France, so instead, as a warning, they killed my father, who wrote the speech."
But for her, living in this era, it was the most important event in her life.
"He just wrote the speech because he was told to. I had to hide in a closet and just watch as my father was beaten and dragged away by the SS.
…Do you know what a body thrown in a river looks like?"
This was the reason she had consistently shown interest in our work, and why she had so readily agreed to my life-threatening proposal.
"The police pretended not to know, and the pastor who claid to be my father's friend, acting more devout than anyone, said it was divine punishnt for defying the savior God had sent."
It was the first ti I had ever seen her, always so composed and confident, with reddened eyes and trembling.
"I'm not central to the plan, and I was officially processed as having resigned from the Frankfurter Zeitung from the mont I first contacted you. Since the head office is already involved, they'll help you without , so it's not a problem. And since I've worked with social democrats, it'll be easy to disguise it as an act of terror by the Red Orchestra."
How long had she been waiting for an opportunity like this? I don't know when I took her hand.
I don't want to let her do sothing that would put her in danger. She squeezed my hand back, but contrary to my wishes, she continued speaking.
"…Gentlen, I am not an outsider. I have a reason to hate them."
She was never the type to be a protected princess in the first place.
Not , not Oster, not Tresckow. None of us could say anything in the face of her gaze.
"So, if this must be done, please leave it to . Let
play my part in bringing down those cursed bastards.
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