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The Hungarian Revolutionary Party of 1848 was fundantally not a simple revolutionary political party. It swiftly grew from a small group of around a hundred and eighty individuals to beco the leaders of the Hungarian Republic. Within its ranks, there were far too many opportunists.
Getting on the ship was easy, but getting off was difficult. The previously weakened Austrian Empire was now reinvigorated, which shattered the hearts of many.
If, at this mont, the Austrian Governnt had issued a pardon, Budapest would likely have surrendered without a fight.
Clearly, that was not possible. Whether it was the Austrian Cabinet or Crown Prince Franz, they didn’t let go of the opportunity to strike at the powerful factions in Hungary.
Suppressing the rebellion was the most optimal pretext for action. The broader the extent covered by this rebellion and the more nobles it involved, the more advantageous it would be for Austria’s future rule.
When it ca to the concentration of wealth, Hungary likely held the top position. On paper, the ruling class constituted five percent, yet in reality, less than one-thousandth of the population controlled 90% of society’s wealth, encompassing even serfs and workers as their property.
Such a dysfunctional social order should not remain unchallenged.
In actuality, this revolution was still an internal power struggle within that five percent of the population, while the remaining ninety-five percent were rely passively drawn into it.
This was also why Kossuth could turn a blind eye to the military bringing harm to the people. His supporters ca from that five percent group, while the remaining ninety-five percent of the population were considered expendable.
“Are you sure the enemy will flood the city? Given our current situation, they don’t even need to do anything; it won’t be long before Budapest becos a dead city!” Pet?fi roared.
There was no other choice – the Austrian Governnt wouldn’t spare the upper echelons of the revolutionary party. They didn’t want to die either, so they could only manipulate the soldiers into fighting desperately.
Kossuth’s manipulation was highly successful, to the point that he even managed to deceive himself. For the sake of ultimate victory, he no longer cared about anything else.
The Austrian Army proceeded thodically, seemingly facing hardships and making slow progress. Yet, in reality, this was the optimal tactic, free of any risks.
Even the construction of dams upstream was rely a ruse. Any ambitious politician aiming to annex Hungary would prefer to maintain a siege around Budapest indefinitely rather than opt for the provocative and resentnt-inducing strategy of flooding.
Kossuth exclaid with disbelief, “Are you suggesting that the enemy is deliberately exerting pressure on us, pushing us to take the extre path, and then destroy Budapest? No, that can’t be, that’s impossible!”
After speaking, Kossuth sat there, motionless, as if ensnared in a state of bewildernt.
The upper echelons of Hungarian society were mostly concentrated in the city of Budapest. Within this city, over half of the population consisted of nobles, capitalists, and their adherents.
For the Austrian Governnt, it would be best if these individuals were eliminated entirely. Even if there were supporters of the Habsburg family among them, Franz wouldn’t mind sacrificing them.
All of them were politicians, thinking with the mindset of politicians. Evaluating the situation from a political standpoint, the question of whether sacrificing this city was worth achieving a stable and enduring Kingdom of Hungary was a calculation that anyone would make.
Almost shouting, Pet?fi cried out, “Wake up, Mr. Kossuth! This is the enemy’s conspiracy! Now, the National Guard has gone mad. Even so fallen nobles, small rchants, and middle class have not escaped their clutches.
If this continues, they will grow more and more daring, gradually reaching their hands into the upper echelons of society. By then, we won’t even have ti to control the situation!
This is exactly what the enemy wants. They are using us to eliminate Hungary’s elites, and then they will place all the bla on us. That way, they can seamlessly annex Hungary!”
If Franz were here, he would surely applaud their imaginative thinking. Yes, he did want to use this opportunity to eliminate dissent, but he never intended to rely on the revolutionary party for that – that would be too unreliable.
If so people die in the war, they can conveniently pin all the bla on the revolutionary party. Can the dead even co out to defend themselves?
At this point, the reputation of the Hungarian Revolutionary Party has been severely tarnished. Anything they do that angers or upsets people would seem like a natural course of action.
The beautiful illusion was abruptly shattered, casting a dreadful shadow over Kossuth’s face. Just the thought that he had co close to falling into the enemy’s trap, almost personally destroying the Hungarian nation, filled him with imnse regret and fear.
Regardless of the fact that Hungary has a population of over ten million, Kossuth considered only around five to six hundred thousand as his own, a substantial portion of which resided in Budapest, making up more than a third of the city’s populace.
Without these people, there would be no Hungarian nation; they were the pillars of this nation.
After a short while, Kossuth regained his composure and said, “Thank you, Pet?fi! I was just a hair’s breadth away from becoming the perpetrator of Hungary’s downfall.
You’re right. The enemy is indeed plotting a sche. They could have captured Budapest earlier, but they’ve been dragging their feet. It seems they intend to catch us all in one fell swoop.”
……
When Kossuth finally wanted to discipline the military, it was already too late – news of the outco of the Battle of Venice had arrived.
The power of the pro-Austrian faction in the interim governnt continued to grow, while the opportunists were scrambling to find a way out. The pressure on Kossuth intensified.
In a small temple, there can be a great variety of deities; in a small pond, there can be many turtles.
The Hungarian Republic’s interim governnt was composed of people from all walks of life. This was a result of the unique societal circumstances at that ti.
Before the revolutionary party grew in strength, it inevitably faced suppression from the governnt. Many mbers of the revolutionary party beca wanted fugitives, and during their escape, they often had to interact with local gangs and associations.
Many Hungarian revolutionaries had another identity - mbers of these associations or groups. Social connections are universal, and leveraging these relationships, these influential organizations managed to secure a place within the interim governnt.
If the revolutionary party had remained powerful, they might have been able to control these elents, but that was no longer the case.
Everyone was well aware that the revolutionary party’s influence has waned, and the eventual collapse of the interim governnt is imminent. If they don’t capitalize on this final chance to make a fortune, there won’t be any opportunity left once the Austrian army cos.
……
Are these underground organizations the only ones taking advantage of the chaos?
The capitalists weren’t sitting idle either. If they don’t use this opportunity to eliminate their competitors, can they still be called black-hearted capitalists?
Hiring assassins was just the most basic thod. More sophisticated individuals would use their connections within the governnt to falsely accuse others of counter-revolutionary activities, leading to their imdiate execution on the spot.
According to post-event statistics, the interim governnt of the Hungarian Republic, which existed for less than three months, executed over three thousand individuals on charges of counter-revolution. Among them, a majority were workers who had participated in strikes.
During the most extre tis, the National Guard would even break into hos, commit murder and robbery, labeling the hoowners as counterrevolutionaries to justify killing them and seizing their property.
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