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September 11, 1890, Germany, Belgium, Austria, Greece, and Montenegro simultaneously closed their trade routes with France, and the embargo officially began.

At that mont, the European Continent was filled with an ominous tension, as everyone knew that this was a harbinger of a gathering storm, and a European war seed inevitable.

Advise the French to make concessions?

The embargo by the Anti-French Alliance had backed the Paris Governnt into a corner. Stepping back was not a path to freedom and vast prospects but a plunge into an abyssal hell.

Advise the Anti-French Alliance to remain calm?

This was even less acceptable. The Anti-French Alliance was the victim. If it weren’t for the French’s ambitious desire to invade Central Europe, none of this would have happened.

The concerns of bystanders were just fears that the war in Europe would impact the innocent. It was not because they loved peace so much—the real pacifists couldn’t seize power anyway.

In the Palace of Versailles, Napoleon IV, with dark circles under his eyes, convened yet another political eting. There was no choice, waiting was the most anxiety-inducing.

As the situation developed, what was originally intended to be a play to gain advantages from Prussia and Germany had now turned into a decisive battle that would determine the future of France.

Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets: "Austria has already begun to set up the Anti-French Alliance, and now they have already persuaded Belgium, the North German Confederation, Greece, and Montenegro to join.

Switzerland and the Netherlands have started to waver, and anti-French sentints are rising in the Spanish Governnt. Most mainstream European public opinion seems to lean towards the Anti-French Alliance.

Lately, Austria has also strengthened ties with the Nordic Federation and Portugal. If we continue to delay, the situation will only beco increasingly unfavorable to us."

Speculation is the most fearso. The Austrian Governnt frequently engages with foreign dignitaries and announced that these were efforts to strengthen comrcial cooperation.

The Austrian Governnt’s explanation only made Karl Chardlets more suspicious.

In the age of free trade, governnts don’t generally interfere with economic operations; there’s not much cooperation to speak of.

In fact, it was true—although Austria had frequent contacts with various countries, they hadn’t signed a single treaty, at least not publicly.

Karl Chardlets didn’t know the specific details of the negotiations, but he did receive news that the representatives had quite a pleasant conversation.

Whether to deliberately disgust France or to truly consider joining the Anti-French Alliance, it wasn’t a good sign for the French governnt either way.

Pri Minister Terence Burkin: "Currently, we’re not only facing troubles in diplomacy but also in the procurent of strategic materials.

Within a few months, the price of strategic materials we planned to purchase has nearly doubled, and the price of so goods has even doubled directly.

Many countries, under the guise of calming dostic prices, have raised tariffs between us, significantly increasing the cost of procurent for businesses.

Affected by the lack of raw material supply, so dostic companies have already started to cut back on production capacity, which is very unfavorable for the war that is about to begin.

All signs indicate that Austria is manipulating all of this, trying to use these thods to defeat us outside the battlefield!"

Wars between great nations are not only fought on the battlefield; the struggle extends beyond it, and it’s equally full of dangers.

In this regard, France is undoubtedly at a disadvantage, as Austria’s foreign trade volu is several tis that of France, and its dostic market also far exceeds that of France.

The political and economic influence of both sides is not on the sa level. Coupled with historical issues, it’s nearly inevitable that the French governnt is at a disadvantage.

Napoleon IV frowned, "It can’t be that serious. If the European countries really supported the Anti-French Alliance, they would have joined the blockade against us by now.

If they all joined, we couldn’t possibly oppose all nations, and giving up the strategy in Central Europe would be the inevitable outco.

The current situation seems more like Austria is pulling the strings, roping in countries to stage a drama for us, aiming to make us fall into disarray."

Having been Emperor for so many years, Napoleon IV was no longer a naive newcor. There are no secrets in politics. National politics and diplomacy revolve around interests.

By starting from the angle of interests and analyzing what would benefit a country the most, one could roughly guess what countries intend to do.

Without a doubt, mutual damage between France and Austria would be in everyone’s best interest. Under such circumstances, other than Prussia and Germany who can’t avoid being involved, everyone else would prefer to watch the fire from across the shore.

Aside from countries like Greece and Montenegro that had no choice but to support Austria, there was no reason for the remaining countries to join the Anti-French Alliance.

In the eyes of Napoleon IV, the behavior of these countries only served to fuel the montum, encouraging the Austrians and strengthening their resolve to wage war against France.

Economic Minister Elsa: "Your Majesty, we can’t delay any longer. By the ti we’ve completed our war preparations, the enemy will have done the sa.

We are not part of a free trade system and are inherently at a disadvantage when it cos to procuring strategic materials. Our dostic economy is also slightly inferior to Austria’s, making us ill-suited for a war of attrition against them."

Napoleon IV understood that it wasn’t just the ministers who were anxious, but the dostic capitalists as well.

Once the French governnt had settled on a Central European strategy, the capitalists had gone full throttle in production.

As ti passed, the amount of goods everyone had on hand increased day by day, while the flow of capital decreased day by day. Without the outbreak of war, everyone can’t help but feel anxious.

If sothing major happens midway, and suddenly the war gets called off or postponed for three to five years, everyone would be in deep trouble.

Goods sold are money, but inventory held is not an asset; it is a liability, because storage also incurs costs.

The governnt’s advance procurent was just wishful thinking; it simply wasn’t feasible, for a very simple reason: the French governnt didn’t have enough warehouses to store all those materials.

Against this backdrop, the only way for the capitalists to offload their stock was to precipitate an early outbreak of war.

The ministers were clamoring for an early start to the war, not because everyone had been bribed, but because they knew they couldn’t stop it anymore.

Either the governnt would take the initiative to provoke a war and take control, or the capitalists would, and how the situation would develop from there was anyone’s guess.

Before Napoleon IV could make a decision, an attendant rushed to the door, calling out urgently, "Your Majesty, urgent military intelligence from the front lines."

The situation in Europe was already very tense; at this point, even if the Anti-French Alliance attacked first, no one would be surprised.

Hearing about the urgent military intelligence, Napoleon IV naturally did not dare to neglect it. "Bring it in quickly!"

A mont later, Napoleon IV slowly said, "We’ve received news from the front lines that three soldiers were ambushed by the enemy while patrolling the border with Belgium. Two are dead, and one is missing."

Border frictions weren’t new, but casualties had never occurred before.

Given the heightened tensions, increased vigilance along the borders and soldiers patrolling in groups, staying close to each other, was already routine.

Normally, in the event of an incident, nearby troops would arrive promptly. Deaths could be understood, but a disappearance was puzzling.

It’s unlikely that Prussia and Germany would do sothing this outrageous unless they had lost their minds. But at this critical juncture, no one bothered with such details.

Logical or not, the French governnt wanted war, and this was the perfect pretext.

Even if Napoleon IV knew there were issues with this excuse, he couldn’t afford to investigate further. Otherwise, any findings would only bring embarrassnt to the French governnt. Discover exclusive tales on .Côm

However, it was natural to feel indignant inside. The deceased were French soldiers. They didn’t die on the battlefield but beca unintended victims because so people wanted to provoke a war ahead of ti.

Everyone was silent, heads bowed. This incident placed them in a difficult position as well!

Earlier or later might be manageable, but this particular mont was the worst possible ti.

They had just persuaded the Emperor to go to war, and now a pretext for war had conveniently appeared. It looked undeniably like a palace coup.

This kind of misunderstanding could be fatal in politics. If they were dealing with a strong Emperor, they could be sent ho right now.

Under Napoleon IV’s sharp gaze, Pri Minister Terence Burke spoke up with a stiff resolve, "Your Majesty, in light of this incident, we should imdiately hold Belgium accountable.

We demand that the Kingdom of Belgium hand over the perpetrators within 48 hours, release the captured soldier, and compensate us for our losses.

Otherwise..."

Seeing Napoleon IV’s increasingly somber face, Pri Minister Terence Burke found it difficult to continue, his voice breaking off intermittently.

Seeming to feel that it was enough, Napoleon IV withdrew his nacing glare, speaking coldly, "Proceed as the Pri Minister suggests, but let’s hope no more chaos arises."

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