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Having finally summoned the courage to make a resolution to engage in combat with the Russians, the British Governnt was utterly confounded by General Patrick’s urgent request for reinforcents.

Putting down the telegram in his hand, Pri Minister Gladstone asked with confusion, "Don’t we already have four hundred thousand troops at the front? Why do we still need reinforcents?"

It was not that Pri Minister Gladstone was prone to overreacting, but rather that Britannia had never before engaged in such a large-scale strategic deploynt.

Even before the war had erupted, over four hundred thousand troops were already amassed at the front. If another twenty infantry divisions were added, the total force would nearly reach seven hundred thousand.

Such massive involvent in a partial war was completely beyond Pri Minister Gladstone’s comprehension.

Army Minister Rosario said, "Your Excellency, the Army Departnt has thoroughly reviewed General Patrick’s request for assistance and has basically ascertained that his demands are reasonable.

The Russians are advancing aggressively, and intelligence indicates they have already deployed five hundred thousand troops in the Central Asia region, with the possibility of further reinforcents.

Due to the proximity, the enemy can reinforce its troops much faster than us, and we must ensure that our front line is sufficiently manned.

Otherwise, in the event of an ergency, we can only hope for support from the Indian Governorate. Frankly speaking, the Indian Governorate lacks the capacity to handle such ergencies.

Once we comnce hostilities with the Russians, the Indian region will also beco unstable, and maintaining stability there is the Governor of India’s most crucial task.

If we are not prepared in advance, it would be irresponsible to suddenly withdraw too many forces from the Indian region to the front line once the war breaks out.

Furthermore, the Afghan region has always been unstable, and the locals have colluded with the Russians to resist our rule.

Due to the mountainous terrain of the Afghan region, the bases of the resistance organizations are located deep in the forests. Our forces in the region have conducted several encirclents but have never completely eradicated them.

Once the war with the Russians breaks out, these elents will again erge to create havoc, and we must retain sufficient forces to address ergencies and prevent them from collaborating internally and externally with the Russians.

The reasons are plentiful, but they all boil down to one thing: we need to expand our forces quickly as the front line cannot wait much longer.

Although the army has always been treated like a stepchild, it still has aspirations. Such a rare opportunity for expansion is sothing that everyone is unwilling to give up.

Being a governnt official by profession, Rosario is naturally aware of the complexities involved, but as the Army Minister, his position has already determined his stance.

If he were to undermine the military at this stage, he would no longer need to continue working, as his subordinates would find countless ways to sabotaging him.

Finance Minister George Childs sneered, "Your Excellency, you should be aware of the situation in Afghanistan. To maintain a force of seven hundred thousand at the front, how many people does the Army Departnt plan to use to ensure logistics support?

One million, two million, three million, or perhaps four million?"

This is the most realistic problem. Afghanistan is a landlocked country, and while resources like food and fabric might be supplied by the Indian Governorate, weapons and ammunition must be transported from our holand.

If we count all the personnel involved in production and transportation, it’s impossible to sustain such a large-scale expedition without the services of several millions at the front line.

Army Minister Rosario shook his head, "Indeed, these issues exist, but we have no choice, do we?

The Russians will not care whether we face difficulties; as soon as they are ready, the Russian Army will attack.

For the safety of India, we must take the initiative to engage in battle. If we don’t fight a defensive war in Afghanistan now, we will have to fight a Ganges defense war in the future.

As for the difficulties we currently face, they are not insurmountable; what we have in abundance is labor.

We can simply recruit laborers directly from the Indian region. The most costly part of the human resources is rely the dostic production and transportation process—a firm resolve will see us through.

Given the financial state of the Russian Empire, they cannot afford a prolonged struggle with us for the Afghan region.

If we defeat the Russians once or twice and make them realize the disparity in strength between our forces, it will be easier to handle subsequent issues."

Spending money; it’s a necessary evil.

The Russian Empire is not weak, but their major problem lies in their finances. Opulent Britannia has no reason to overlook this glaring weakness and not challenge their financial resources instead of engaging in major battles.

Going all-in to fight a major battle may seem impressive, but it is akin to dancing with one’s head at one’s waist; a defeat would jeopardize the nation’s future.

Is an Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets without India still considered an Empire on Which the Sun Never Sets? It would probably take only three to five years before it would have to abdicate its position.

This is the greatest dilemma for everyone: deploying troops for reinforcent is too costly, and even wealthy Britannia would feel the financial pain; but not sending reinforcents also poses a risk of losing control at the front line, with the Russians potentially threatening the safety of India.

After hesitating for a mont, Pri Minister Gladstone slowly said, "Let us hold a collective vote to decide, and report the final resolution to Parliant for approval by both the Senate and the House of Representatives."

In unclear circumstances and unwilling to assu responsibility alone, a collective decision is undoubtedly the best choice.

Even if the resolution had certain issues, it was still a result of democracy, which could minimize the responsibility of everyone involved.

As for the cost, it naturally led to a slight decrease in efficiency. The Cabinet could make a decision imdiately, but once it reached the Parliant for discussion, no one knew how much ti it would take.

However, one thing was certain; as soon as the war between England and Russia broke out, the efficiency of the British Parliant would be effectively increased.

...

In St. Petersburg, recently, there had been frequent reports of victories from the front lines, improving the mood of Alexander III.

Even for a Tsarist of a fighting nation, it was tough, as he had to constantly monitor the changes in the front-line battle situation.

If the front lines suffered a defeat, the Tsar had to deal with the aftermath imdiately to prevent the situation from escalating and affecting his prestige.

Alexander III asked, "The pathway to move south towards Afghanistan has been cleared, now it all depends on the logistics departnt. How much longer will it take for you to get the supplies to the front line?"

Minister of Logistics Agent hurriedly answered, "It will take no more than two more months for us to get all the planned strategic materials into the hands of the troops at the front."

It was unknown when, but moving south towards India had beco the most important national policy of the Tsarist Governnt, with all strategic plans revolving around this core.

In such critical tis, Agent dared not cut corners. Even if dissatisfied with the Russian Army at the front, he would not dare to cause trouble here.

If a mishap occurred on the battlefield, the Tsar would execute people, and even without the Tsar lifting a finger, the dostic interest groups would have him silenced forever.

Alexander III frowned slightly, then shook his head, "No, the pace is still too slow.

We are preparing, and the British are not idle. The British Parliant is discussing whether to send more troops to the Afghan region. Once the enemy’s main reinforcents arrive, this war will be difficult to end quickly."

The British Parliant had no secrets; any valuable information that entered would appear in London newspapers in the shortest ti.

Once it was published in the newspapers, even if the intelligence capability of the Tsarist Governnt was weak, they would receive this news.

In order to achieve a swift and decisive victory, and not get stuck in a stalemate like the Prusso-Russian War, Alexander III was naturally anxious. Experience tales at .Côm

After wavering in his mind for a mont, Agent gritted his teeth and said, "Your Majesty, the attack could actually be moved up.

The troops at the front wouldn’t consu all their materials in one day. Based on the current supplies reserved in the Central Asia region, they could completely support over forty days of continuous combat.

During this period, more supplies would continue to arrive. The actual combat ti the front-line troops could support would be even longer.

As long as the front-line troops don’t get overzealous, our logistics can keep up without problems."

Theoretically, there was nothing wrong with what Agent had said.

As long as part of the materials were reserved at the front and the logistics departnt transported supplies in batches without issues in coordination, there was no need to wait for all supplies to be in place.

However, these were all theoretical. If it ca to practical implentation, it would test the organizational capabilities of the Tsarist Governnt.

The military required a six-month reserve of combat materials before launching a comprehensive attack, aside from the need to rest troops after just having fought the Central Asia War, distrusting the dostic officials was an even greater reason.

If there was any mishap in the transport process—materials being delayed or wrong delivery locations—it could cost the lives of an entire troop.

Moreover, even if all responsible individuals were executed, it would still be of no value to the overall situation.

After pondering for a while, an interested Alexander III confird again, "Can the logistics departnt truly ensure the tily arrival of the materials?"

There was no guarantee, as everyone involved in logistics knew that too many unexpected situations could arise, especially forces of nature.

Agent stiffly replied, "The logistics departnt will try its utmost to ensure that most of the supplies arrive on ti, but it is impossible to guarantee supplies to each troop.

Only if the military departnt informs us of their battle plans in advance, and the logistics departnt prepares in advance, it might be possible to keep up with the pace of the front-line troops."

After hearing this explanation, Alexander III was not worried but relieved. As long as the overall supply was sufficient, delays in individual troops’ supplies were inevitable.

The battlefield was extrely dynamic; today, the troops might be in the east, and they might move to the west tomorrow, then change locations the day after tomorrow.

Without radio communication, once the logistics transport convoy set off, keeping in touch could only be done by riding horses; coordination issues were normal.

After a pause, Alexander III gravely said, "I’ll give you half a month more. Try to transport as many supplies as possible to the front line; we cannot miss this opportunity for battle."

Seeing the Tsar’s resolute attitude, Marshal Ivanov hesitated. He always felt there was an issue, but couldn’t pinpoint where the problem lay.

...

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