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The air was crisp and the harvest bountiful, marking yet another prosperous year.

Franz had been in a good mood lately; Russia and Austria had reached an agreent, and it seed the dust of the Near East conflict had finally settled.

As for the Greek people, it wouldn’t be long before they accepted reality. If it weren’t for the constant unrest stirred by the nationalists at ho, King Ludwig would have compromised much earlier.

Ambition requires strength to back it up—a common man may be ignorant of this, but the ruling class must remain clear-headed.

King Ludwig, hailing from a small nation, naturally understood the survival strategies for small countries.

After losing the Bavarian throne, the Wittelsbach Dynasty was able to rise again in the Kingdom of Lombardy, not rely through kinship ties.

Had they not recognized the changing tides and conceded to Austria decisively, Franz would not have arranged a favorable position for them regardless of how they presented themselves.

...

In Athens, inside the Greek Palace, the atmosphere was oppressively tense, as the recent gloom on Ludwig I’s face made everyone tread lightly around him.

Indeed, anyone in his shoes would hardly fare better; Greek nationalism was a significant trouble.

"Great Greece" was a trap, the kind that a nation would surely perish in, yet Greek nationalists were treating it as their goal, ready to implent it.

The vision of "Great Greece" included Constantinople, expanding the country’s territorial size to about five or six tis its current area.

To achieve this goal, the prerequisites would be to "punch Austria and kick Russia."

Frankly, such a grand strategy was not sothing an average person could conceive; at least Ludwig I wouldn’t dare to entertain the thought.

The Ottoman Empire had fallen, and Greek nationalism was boiling over again. One by one, the people demanded this and that from the governnt, without considering whether they had the "strength" to wrest away the spoils of war.

Ever since word spread that the governnt intended to give up its claims on the territories of the Asia Minor Peninsula, nationalists had launched massive protest demonstrations.

Even within the palace walls, Ludwig I could hear the outcry from the Greek public. But no matter how loud their voices were, they needed to be able to make it happen.

Ludwig I inquired, "Won’t the people outside disperse?"

Pri Minister Kalioxiu replied, "Yes, Your Majesty. The governnt has sent people to explain, but sadly, they were unable to persuade them.

These people have gone mad, completely bereft of thought. It’s a mystery what chaos the signing of the treaty will spark."

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A re unfounded rumor had already ignited massive protests; the consequences would be predictable if the rumor turned into reality.

Ludwig I shook his head: "These people are just pawns propelled by those scoundrels; I refuse to believe they are unaware of the consequences of their actions.

If the Austrians are truly provoked, wiping out Greece would benefit them as well. Just look at the routes of the demonstrations; the organizers deliberately avoid the embassy district.

Do they think this will make us capitulate? Or do they believe they can use nationalism to chase away , the king they so despise?"

Nationalism is only one aspect; the greater conflict stems from the industrialization reforms that Ludwig I is pushing forward, which seriously harm the interests of those who currently benefit.

Greece is a small country with neither a sufficient market for selling goods nor sources of raw materials. To achieve the initial accumulation of capital, there was no choice but to intensify dostic exploitation.

Under these conditions, it’s only natural that Ludwig I, promoting industrialization, was unpopular.

Pri Minister Kalioxiu suggested, "Your Majesty, you really don’t have to do this. A step back may lead to a broader horizon, and there’s no harm in industrialization taking a slower pace."

As a pri minister born and raised in Greece, Kalioxiu still held great affection for the country.

Being in a position of power, he naturally knew that propelling industrialization was the optimal choice, and the sooner, the better, as waiting would only increase the difficulty.

However, things that seem wonderful might not necessarily be practical.

The Conservative faction, opposing reforms, unleashed an even more frenzied wave of nationalism, aiming to force the governnt to backpedal.

With the madness of capital beyond imagination, the ordinary people’s lives grew harder. Without supporting the king, Ludwig I’s reforms quickly reached a deadlock.

After weighing the pros and cons, Ludwig I let out a sigh of resignation and then said, "Enough, if everyone dislikes the reforms, why should I be the villain to force them through?

Cancel all industrial plans, open up the cotton exports as they wish, and just obediently..."

There was no other way—such was the harsh reality. The industrial benefits lay in the future, while the profits from cotton exports were imdiate.

Despite the large number of cotton producers worldwide, the international market still faced a supply shortage. Almost every cotton exporting country was reaping enormous profits.

The prohibition of cotton exports imposed by Ludwig I recently, in an effort to advance Greece’s industrialization, beca the spark that intensified the conflict.

...

On October 13, 1883, Greece relinquished its territorial claims on the Asia Minor Peninsula, and the four countries of the Anti-Turkish Alliance reached an agreent on the distribution of post-war spoils.

```

According to the agreent, the Greece Governnt could receive compensation in the form of one first-class battleship (displacing 8000~10000 tons, ironclad ship) and one second-class battleship (displacing 5000~7000 tons, ironclad ship).

And then there was no ’then’. Despite the Greece Governnt deploying many more troops than the Montenegro Duchy, their military achievents were quite disappointing.

If it wasn’t for their contributions during the postwar peacekeeping, they likely would have been fobbed off with just one battleship.

As for the issue of heavy casualties? Unfortunately, heavy casualties were Greece’s own problem, and could not be considered a contribution.

Of course, the Vienna Governnt still showed so consideration. It promised to sell two battleships and five destroyers to them at half price, valid for two years.

It wasn’t just Greece, Montenegro who were compensated with warships; even the Russians were not exempt.

According to the treaty, in addition to economic compensation paid, the Vienna Governnt would have to deliver to the Tsarist Governnt three first-class battleships, two second-class battleships, and four destroyers within the next five years.

All were gifts from Austria, so naturally not much could be nitpicked. Specifications and such could be omitted; wanting good quality goods would require extra paynt.

Deep down, Ludwig I did not want these warships. Given the choice, he would much rather have received cash compensation.

Unfortunately, the Vienna Governnt wouldn’t agree, offering just the two ships as compensation; not taking them would an forgoing the compensation altogether.

Putting down the treaty at hand, Ludwig I asked concernedly, "What about the Greek people within the Ottoman Empire? Haven’t the Austrians given a reply?"

Foreign Minister Nislafov answered bitterly, "The Vienna Governnt has already subcontracted all immigration work within the Ottoman territory to the Russians, including the Greek people.

This issue will need to be discussed with the Russians. In Constantinople, I’ve already made contact with the Russian representatives, but the results are not encouraging.

The Russians suggest we take our people away ourselves, otherwise, after they have relocated the other ethnicities, they will arrange the Greeks’ relocation in turn."

Thinking about resettlent costs is useless; once money has entered the Tsarist Governnt’s coffers, it’s not likely to co out again.

If the Greece Governnt is willing to take the people away, it would even save the Russians so expenses, otherwise, the Tsarist Governnt wouldn’t have left the Greek people until the end.

Ludwig I hesitated. Without any compensation to settle hundreds of thousands of people, this was already beyond the Greek Governnt’s capacity.

Keep in mind, in those days the Greek population had just slightly surpassed a million; where was the governnt to create hundreds of thousands of jobs?

Pri Minister Kalioxiu dismissed the idea, "We absolutely cannot hand over our compatriots to the Russians. Given the Tsarist Governnt’s style, it’s uncertain if even half of them would arrive at their destination alive.

It’s better to persuade the Vienna Governnt to let these compatriots stay in the Asia Minor Peninsula, or if that fails, arrange for them to go to their overseas colonies."

That was the impression the Tsarist Governnt left on the outside world. Rather than heading to the icy wastes of Siberia, a savage land overseas would be preferable.

At least Austria’s experience with immigration was vast, managing to keep the death rate of migrants at sea to below one percent.

Compared to the Russians’ pedestrian approach to migration, taking a ship was indeed much more comfortable.

There was no choice; Russia’s railways hadn’t reached that far yet. Moreover, the Tsarist Governnt was reluctant to use so many animals for transporting the migrants.

Besides setting up a few essential supply points along the way, the Tsarist Governnt was only responsible for dispatching troops to "protect" the migrants’ safety.

Walking was bad enough, but migrants also had to carry a week’s supply of food themselves.

Many places in the Russian Empire were uninhabited for miles. It was uncertain if they would encounter anyone between supply points, so don’t expect to receive additional supplies midway.

If they didn’t bring enough provisions and sothing unforeseen occurred along the way, whether they could survive depended on the integrity of the escorting officers.

Foreign Minister Nislafov shook his head, "We have already tried to communicate with the Austrians. They suggest we divert the flow.

Take a portion back to our country, speak with the Kingdom of Arnia for settling so, and try to get Arican countries to accept so of the immigrants.

Out of humanitarian considerations, the Austrians promise to accept so of the elderly, weak, won, and children, but not the intransigent elents.

They suggested handing over those steadfast to the Ottoman Empire to the Russians for reeducation, as that is what the Tsarist Governnt specializes in."

The Ottoman was a multi-ethnic state; not all ethnicities were enemies. In fact, apart from refusing the most hateful part, Austria too accepted minorities.

They only took in the elderly, weak, won, and children, showing little interest in the much favoured able-bodied workforce.

Ludwig I nodded, "rely abandoning a portion of the intransigent elent, that can be acceptable.

Unfortunately..."

His words stopped abruptly, as so things can be done but not spoken of.

The Greece Governnt’s intervention in the resettlent was not simply out of ethnic sympathy; they were more intent on consolidating Greek people from within the Ottoman territory to strengthen their influence.

However, everyone could see this kind of maneuver, and naturally, the Vienna Governnt would not entertain such a headache.

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