The sudden assassination of the envoy caused European public opinion, which was already unfavorable towards the Ottomans, to beco completely one-sided, and even the politicians, experts, and scholars who had previously tended towards supporting the Ottomans had now fallen silent.
As a result, the Vienna Governnt, on May 7, 1882, just three days after the incident, terminated the second round of negotiations.
Imdiately following this, on May 9, the Vienna Governnt issued an ultimatum to the Ottoman Governnt, demanding they hand over the perpetrators behind the "massacre" within a week.
This wasn’t a matter of agreent or dissent; it was simply impossible to achieve.
The massacre involved such a vague group of people, and the identities of the victims, their numbers, and the location of the cri were all undefined. It was impossible to know where to start an investigation.
It wasn’t a question of having a week; even if the Ottoman Governnt had a year, they would be unable to find the real culprits.
At the sa ti the Vienna Governnt released its declaration, the Greece Governnt also sent an ultimatum to the Ottoman Empire, with similar content, demanding the handover of the perpetrators.
Everyone knew that war was coming, and the international community turned its eyes to London and St. Petersburg; now, only these two had the influence over this war.
France would have been included as well, if not for their dual governnts, where one supporting ant the other had to oppose.
At such a critical ti for winning over the hearts of the people, only a fool would support the Ottomans and risk offending dostic religious powers.
In the St. Petersburg Gatina Palace, the Ottoman Diplomat Dimitri-Pasha had already been anxiously waiting in the reception room for more than three hours, his accompanying cigars close to running out.
At this mont, Alexander III was enjoying a leisurely fishing trip, and although he couldn’t yet say, "The Tsar is on holiday, let Europe wait," he could already make the Ottomans wait.
"Your Majesty, the ministers have arrived," said the maid in a clear voice.
"Bring them in," Alexander III responded.
As for the waiting Ottoman Diplomat, let him keep waiting; Alexander III had no intention of eting him.
If it weren’t for putting on a show for the Austrians and increasing their bargaining chips at the negotiating table, the Ottoman Diplomat might not even have been able to enter the palace.
Alexander III appeared all smiles, but his mood was far from good; only his good upbringing allowed him to keep his emotions from showing.
This sudden Near East war was different from its predecessors, as the Austrian Governnt had not communicated with them in advance, which was a blow to Alexander III’s pride.
The world is pragmatic. During the first Near East war, the Russian Empire was at its zenith, and everything revolved around the Tsarist Governnt. By their formidable strength, they had acquired the long-coveted Constantinople.
During the second Near East war, the situation changed; the Austrian Empire beca the main force, with the Russian Empire only playing a supporting role.
Even as the support role, it was a position pre-coordinated, and in the Alliance, Russia’s status was still not low.
Things change, however, and now the power dynamic between Russia and Austria had drastically shifted, and they found themselves in a dispensable position.
The Tsarist Governnt’s delay in taking a stand was ant to pressure Austria, to increase their say in the war.
Unfortunately, the civil war in France changed the situation, relieving Austria of their worries, and significantly reducing Russia’s importance in this war.
...
Putting down his fishing rod, Alexander III stood up and adjusted his clothes, "The third Near East war has erupted, and now we must make a choice. What do you think?" he asked.
Military heavyweight Marshal Ivanov was the first to speak, "Your Majesty, it is a rare opportunity, this is the best mont for the revival of the Russian Empire."
Minister of Internal Affairs Chernomor said, "Marshal, this war does not hold much significance for us. What the Empire needs now is to recuperate and rejuvenate, not territorial expansion.
After the previous two Near East wars, the Ottoman Empire has already lost its threat to our Empire; the only thing of value they hold is their control over the other side of the Black Sea Strait.
If it were twenty years ago, it would indeed be very important to us, but now, it has beco a moot point.
The Empire’s painstakingly developed Black Sea Fleet is gone, and with the current state of our finances, we are in no position to rebuild it in short order. Even if we acquired the key to the diterranean, it would be aningless to us."
Hearing this explanation, Ivanov beca furious, "How can you say it holds no aning? To be able to eradicate the Ottomans, our old foe, and fulfill the wishes of our ancestors is the greatest significance."
"Empire reborn..."
Listening to Marshal Ivanov’s unceasing speech, Alexander III felt that inviting him to this eting was a mistake.
However, the Russian Empire was a place that believed in the strong, and with his impressive military achievents, no one could ignore Marshal Ivanov’s opinion.
The good-natured Alexander III quickly adjusted his attitude, knowing that the military’s pro-war stance was inevitable; any military leader in his place would have reacted the sa way.
Without war, how could one earn military glory? Why wouldn’t the military leaders want to tackle the sure-win scenario of fighting the Ottoman Empire—how else would they justify themselves to their subordinates?
Did you really think that "a Tsar who does not attack the Ottomans is not a true Tsar" was just a joke?
The Russo-Turkish wars, happening on average less than every twenty years, were not fought solely to capture Constantinople. In fact, more often than not, everyone knew it was unachievable even before the wars began.
The Tsarist Governnt still insisted on playing this level because the Tsar needed prestige, the military needed glory, and the governnt needed...
Beating the Ottomans always yielded rich rewards, and after nearly two hundred years of ferntation, the benefits of annihilating the Ottoman Empire had beco even more appealing.
Ivanov had made his na fighting the Ottomans. If he could wipe out the Ottoman Empire, the resulting historical impact would certainly make him legendary—at least in Russian history books, which would extensively glorify the event.
Finance Minister Alisher Gurov couldn’t help interrupting, "Your Excellency the Marshal, we all know the benefits of killing the Ottomans, but the problem is the governnt is out of money.
"If we join this war, we will have to rely financially on the Austrians. If we use their money for the war, we will surely suffer losses when it cos to dividing the spoils afterward.
"From the Empire’s standpoint, delaying this Near Eastern war and waiting until we have recovered our strength will maximize our benefits," Gurov added.
It was true. A half-dead Ottoman Empire posed no threat; waiting another decade or two to strike wouldn’t be a problem.
On the contrary, if the Ottomans were eliminated now, allowing most of the Near East to fall into Austrian hands, Russia would be truly cut off from influence there.
Unmoved, Ivanov said, "That’s pure idealism. Austria already possesses the independent capability to annihilate the Ottomans.
"European nations are constrained by revolutionary waves and cannot intervene in Austria’s actions in the short term.
"Unless we’re out of our minds to ally with the Ottomans, the Ottoman Empire’s demise is already sealed.
"I don’t believe anyone here is that foolish. As for the matter of benefits, that will test our diplomatic skill.
"But however bad it is, it’s still better than doing nothing and watching Austria destroy the Ottomans," Ivanov argued.
Even though it was unpleasant to hear, logically, there was no fault in his argunt. The Tsarist Governnt indeed could not support the Ottoman Empire; otherwise, they would not have to wait for Austrian retribution—their own country would undergo a coup first.
The enmity between Russia and the Ottomans had seeped deep into the bones of the Russians, especially among the nobility.
Every Russian aristocratic household with more than two hundred years of history had clashed with the Ottoman Empire. They all had friends or family who had fallen in battle; this vendetta had been passed down from generation to generation.
The most recent thirty years recorded in history books saw two Ruso-Turkish conflicts; even if the governnt wanted to soften these feelings of animosity, it was too late to act.
Aside from hatred, interests were also key. Not participating in this war would allow Austria to stretch its influence into the Black Sea after destroying the Ottomans, posing a genuine threat.
...
On May 11, 1882, the Tsarist Governnt presented the Ottoman Empire with a demand for the redrawing of borders; everyone knew that the war had gained a new participant.
Perhaps spurred by Russia’s entry, the Montenegro Duchy soon made its move.
On May 12, 1882, the Montenegro governnt presented the Ottoman Empire with a massive compensation claim of "860 million Divine Shields."
It detailed the list of losses caused to Montenegro over the past several hundred years due to Ottoman military invasions.
Allies were welco, whether they were just making up the numbers or vying for presence; the Vienna Governnt warmly welcod the sudden entry of Montenegro.
With that, the Anti-Turkish Alliance led by Austria was officially established.
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