It turned out that the British had overestimated their influence. Against the backdrop of Austria’s silence and France’s passive non-cooperation, the willingness of the European nations to intervene in the Prusso-Russian War was not as strong as they had anticipated.
Diplomatically, everyone was waving the flag of "peace" and actively calling for Prussia and Russia to cease hostilities. However, when it ca to the point of military intervention, they were all offline.
"Sending troops" was out of the question; even when the British rely suggested everyone maintain a posture of intimidation toward the Russians, no one was willing to pay the price.
In essence, everyone wanted to limit the Russians only because they feared a threat to their own national defense security.
The situation was different now. With the resurgence of Austria, it was simply impossible for the Russians to advance westward.
Without sufficient interests, everyone’s enthusiasm to participate was naturally low. The British’s face was only enough for everyone to shout a few tis diplomatically, as a way of pressuring the Tsarist Governnt.
The London Governnt was active in intervention because they had invested too much in the Prussian Federation and had too much at stake, and the London Governnt was unwilling to let go.
In so ways, this was also the result of Britannia’s declining influence in Europe. The presence of France and Austria had weakened the British hegemony.
Without the cooperation of France and Austria, the British alone were not able to make the Tsarist Governnt compromise. International diation had beco real "diation," without the ability to influence the outco of the Prusso-Russian War.
The international intervention promised by the British had not arrived, and the Berlin Governnt, wanting a full retreat, beca anxious.
The Polish region was already lost, the Poznan region had beco a battlefield, and it seed that the East Prussia region also could not hold on for much longer.
The once mighty Prussian Federation now only held onto less than 30% of its territory and less than 40% of its population, with the morale of the people at ho also dropping to a freezing point.
In recent tis, strikes, market shutdowns, tax resistance... and other malignant events had continuously occurred in the Kingdom of Prussia.
The Prussian people had already paid too much for this war; the heavy burden was crushing them.
Berlin was already under martial law, and if the war continued, Wilhelm I feared he might one day be sent to the guillotine.
This was the drawback of "nationalism": the disproportionately high military expenditures were severely affecting people’s livelihoods.
To support this powerful army, the Berlin Governnt had no choice but to exploit its own people. The taxes the Prussian people needed to bear had always been the highest in Europe.
When victories kept coming, patriotism could be the support. But now, with defeat on the battlefields, the contradictions could no longer be suppressed.
Wilhelm I, concerned, asked, "What do the British say?"
Placing hope in the British was a last resort. The strength of the remaining Prussian Kingdom was limited and no match for the Russians.
To survive this crisis, they must seek help from the international community. In the realm of nations, only interests are eternal. Aside from being bound by debt to the British, the Berlin Governnt now had no adequate interests to buy the support of other countries.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman replied bitterly, "The London Governnt is trying to persuade the French; they recomnd that we leverage the power of German nationalism to seek the support of the Vienna Governnt."
Upon hearing this, Finance Minister Gorman, as if struck by lightning, stood up abruptly: "No! Absolutely not! We must not use the force of German nationalism, or it will lead to endless trouble in the future.
For all these years, we have continuously promoted Great Prussia-ism, and only with great difficulty have we suppressed German nationalism. Compromising now would be to abandon all our efforts.
Austria is not an easy partner either, and compromising with them now would make it difficult to break free from them in the future.
Nationalism is a double-edged sword; while using nationalism to gain Austrian support, the Kingdom of Prussia will also be restrained by it.
As the saying goes, "It’s easy to invite the gods, but hard to send them away," the strength of Austria is not easy to borrow. When inside we face the burgeoning German nationalism and outside Austria bears the banner of German unification, it will be hard for the Kingdom of Prussia to refuse.
For common people, perhaps unification is also a favorable outco, but for the Junker aristocracy, it would be a disaster falling from the sky.
Under the Shinra Empire system, led by Austria, the military and governnt are strictly separate. With the Central Governnt as their backbone, the first thing the Berlin Governnt would do is to kick out the military, led by the Junker aristocracy.
After unification, the Prussian Army would beco marginalized, and losing control over the Berlin Governnt, they would find it difficult to live as comfortably as before.
When class interests are involved, naturally there can be no compromise.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman: "Your Excellency, please be calm. The British more than anyone else do not want to see Austria unify Germany, and things are not as simple as they seem on the surface.
Let’s not forget we have a restless neighbor next door, who, seeing our current predicant, also wants to kick us while we’re down.
According to intelligence from the embassy, there have been frequent contacts between Britain and Germany recently, the details of which are unknown, but it can be roughly inferred that it is related to the Anglo-German consolidation proposed previously by the British.
German nationalism also has its categories, apart from the Greater Germany-ism led by the Austrians, there is also North German-ism proposed by Hanover.
Various signs indicate that the British want us to join hands with Hanover to establish North Germany and prevent Austria from unifying the Germany Region.
First using German nationalism to gain the support of the Vienna Governnt, then turning around to sell out Austria in favor of North German-ism, this is no simple maneuver.
Even if we succeed, we will make an enemy of Austria, plus our enemy to the east, the Russian Empire; apart from clinging to Britain, they would have no other choice.
If we fail, it would be even worse, either being partitioned by the Russian-Austrians or swallowed by Austria, or even possibly being absorbed by the Codic Empire.
The Kingdom of Prussia is no longer in its heyday, having lost the Rhineland region, it might also lose the Prussian Duchy region, and another division would leave it with nothing.
Wilhelm I shook his head, "The British plan is too risky and does not guarantee our interests; it cannot be used unless absolutely necessary.
How are the contacts with the French going at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs? What do they want before they are willing to take action?"
Even a cornered rabbit knows three ways out, and the Berlin Governnt naturally has more than just the British path; the French are also one of the alternatives.
Even before the war broke out, the Berlin Governnt had been trying to improve relations between the two countries. If it weren’t that the British took too much, leaving only scraps for the French, France would not have withdrawn halfway through.
Of course, the Berlin Governnt also has its own responsibilities, with insufficient diplomatic thods failing to balance the interests of England and France properly.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman replied, "The Paris Governnt has not given a clear answer; they are still hesitating. It may be related to diplomatic activities by the Russians recently, which have shaken the French conviction to support us.
A long ti ago, so in the French governnt proposed an alliance with Russia to curb Austrian expansion.
However, these calls were not loud. On one hand, the relationship between Russia and Austria was good, making it difficult for efforts to sway the Russians to have any effect; on the other hand, it was the pride of the French. They didn’t believe that containing Austria required allies."
"Is the French-Russian Alliance aid at containing the expansion of Austria? This explanation might be believed by common folk, but Wilhelm I would definitely not believe it."
"Austria had been behaving itself on the European Continent for many years, presenting a harmless face to the outside world and maintaining good relations with most countries. The theory of an Austrian threat did not yet have a market on the European Continent."
"If a French-Russian Alliance truly erged, the first to be targeted would definitely not be Austria."
"At least not until the Prusso-Polish Federation was finished, as Prussia and Russia were already at war. Before they had finished each other off, the Tsarist Governnt would not likely provoke new enemies."
Wilhelm I said solemnly, "In any case, we must prevent the French-Russian Alliance from forming, even a possibility cannot be allowed."
"If our power is insufficient, we should leak the news to the Anglo-Austrian two countries and release so rumors to draw their attention."
Excessive sensitivity—that’s exactly what Wilhelm I was at the mont. He couldn’t help but feel anxious; if a French-Russian Alliance were to be ford, not only would the Prusso Federation be beyond salvation, but even the Kingdom of Prussia itself might not be preserved."
...
The Berlin Governnt was in a state of urgency, and the Russians were not faring any better. Alexander II hadn’t had many days to rejoice over the recovery of Warsaw before new troubles arose.
Occupying the Polish Region was not the end of the problems; rather, it was just the beginning. While the large enemy forces were gone, small ennemies were everywhere.
"Where there are Poles, there are guerrillas," one might say.
Calling them "guerrillas" was actually an insult to the guerrillas. Essentially, these diverse ard groups were nothing but a rabble.
They were primarily made up of defeated soldiers and refugees roaming about. With no political program, let alone a clear battle goal or direction, they represented sheer "chaos."
Most of these ard groups were not established to fight the Russians but to strive for survival."
The Prusso-Russian war generated a large number of refugees, whom the Berlin Governnt had settled in the Warsaw region. Apart from a very few who found work again, the rest depended on governnt-relief food to live on.
In their retreat, Maoqi, in a race against ti, left behind even the wounded in Warsaw, not to ntion taking the refugees along.
Before the conclusion of the Battle of Warsaw, seeing the tide turn, the defending troops deliberately sabotaged the food supplies. Without securing sufficient captures, the Russians lacked materials and naturally could not provide food relief to the refugees."
Hunger doesn’t lie. To survive, calamity struck shortly afterward. The ugly aspects of human nature began to surface. The chaos in the cities was suppressed by the Russian Army, but the countryside was temporarily neglected.
This delay caused the problem to beco more severe. Now in the Polish Region, bandits, guerrillas, mountain thieves, and outlaws were rampant.
Without a doubt, Marshal Ivanov ordered imdiate extermination. These were local bullies who wouldn’t even stand and fight; if they couldn’t be beaten, they would flee."
After a period of strategic struggle, the Russian Army now controlled only a few major cities, and the rest of the areas were dominated by these disorderly ard factions."
In St. Petersburg, Alexander II asked sharply, "What exactly is going on, why has the Polish Region not stabilized after such a long ti?"
"The enemy’s main forces have been annihilated, and now we are still unable to deal with a bunch of rabble? Has the army been so comfortable in their barracks that they have forgotten how to fight?"
The Russian Army’s military discipline has always been poor, and Marshal Ivanov could only control it during warti, after which indulgence prevailed as usual.
After the recapture of Warsaw, naturally, there was no exception, and the Russian soldiers indulged themselves thoroughly.
Tis have changed, and now we have newspapers. The atrocities committed by the Russian Army in the Warsaw region were exposed by zealous righteous individuals, further tainting the Tsarist Governnt’s reputation.
In light of the victorious battle, Alexander II did not pursue the responsibility of the frontline officers but rely warned them.
Alexander II now brought up "the gentle holand," not to dwell on old issues or because he was angry, but rather to admonish the military. For the Tsar, unrest in the Polish Region was a minor problem; the more pressing issue was to keep the military in check.
Victory tends to inflate egos, and after reclaiming the Polish Region, the Russian military beca excessively arrogant, which greatly displeased Alexander II.
Ivanov furrowed his brow and stepped forward with a stiff deanor, explaining, "Your Majesty, the problem with the Polish Region is not the deserters or the chaotic bandits. Eradicating these mobs would require no effort at all.
The real trouble lies with the refugees. The chaos is driven by the refugees. Without a solution to the refugee issue, the bandit problem will be endless."
It’s not that the Russian Army hasn’t striven to eliminate the bandits; millions of refugees are roaming chaotically in the Polish Region, and bandits, mountain thieves, and guerrilla fighters sprout up like leeks, one batch after another.
Without eradicating the root, the Polish Region will never stabilize. The solution is simple: address the refugee crisis.
Although the refugee issue seems straightforward, it’s actually the most troubleso.
Theoretically, with the war in the Polish Region ended, refugees could simply return to their original hos and resu production, supplented by a half-year’s rations.
The Russian Empire is not short of food; distributing these supplies wouldn’t be a significant problem.
However, that’s rely theoretical. During World War I in the original tiline, Russians didn’t lack food, yet frontline soldiers still suffered from cold and hunger.
Ivanov didn’t even ntion aiding the refugees, not because he was heartless, but because it was simply unfeasible.
The Russian Empire had ample food, but the problem was that it wasn’t available in the Polish Region. The Tsarist Governnt’s logistical capacity was limited and strained to the utmost just to et the needs of the forces at the front.
Tackling the food needs of millions of refugees was asking too much. Unless the Tsarist Governnt gave up its subsequent combat plans, it was hardly possible to redirect transport capacity from strategic materials to food.
Alexander II shook his head: "When we encounter problems, we must find solutions. I don’t care how you do it, but the Polish Region must be stabilized as soon as possible, so as not to affect our upcoming spring offensive against the enemy."
Making things difficult for others might be part of it, but more so it was about shifting bla. Alexander II didn’t want to inherit the moniker "Butcher," so naturally, his subordinates had to bear the responsibility.
Since the Polish Region still belonged to the front line and the governntal departnts hadn’t taken over local administration, the military was destined to be blad.
As for who would bear it, that was an internal military matter. Relieved that he wouldn’t be made a scapegoat, Marshal Ivanov secretly breathed a sigh of relief.
After a mont’s consideration, Ivanov replied, "Your Majesty, please be assured. The General Headquarters has already issued an ultimatum to the Fourth Army in charge of Warsaw, ordering them to pacify the area within two months, and results will soon be evident."
No one raised an objection. There always needs to be a scapegoat. The Fourth Army had recently acted without orders, nearly resulting in their destruction, and had not yet settled scores after the fact. Now making them the scapegoats suited the situation perfectly.
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