Interest sways the heart, and Austria was unwilling to concede to the British over the South Arican issue, just as France was equally averse to seeing its own interests hard.
After Peru and Bolivia decided to continue the war, the Paris Governnt agreed very briskly.
As ti passed, the French Empire kept growing stronger, and nationalism within the country flourished.
Erging nationalists naturally disliked being inferior to the British, and with the power of centuries-old animosity and conflicts of interest, the French populace held great antipathy towards the pro-British faction within the governnt.
In the era of Napoleon III, his achievents in annexing the Italian Area could suppress these contradictions.
By the ti of Napoleon IV, however, the situation had changed. He had just ascended to power when he faced a tumultuous struggle within the governnt, with the pro-British faction, which held a dominant position, being attacked from all sides.
Politicians are the most pragmatic, aligning with Britain was only a matter of interest, but that need had vanished, even becoming a burden and trouble, so changing political stance was a natural developnt.
In recent years, Paris’s foreign policy had beco much tougher compared to the days of Napoleon III, not just towards the British.
In an era where only the strong survive, diplomatic toughness naturally rests on the foundation of substantial power.
It must be acknowledged that in recent decades France’s power had grown rapidly, accompanied by surges in nationalism. Especially after the annexation of the Italian Area, expansionist sentints within France were also intensifying.
During the reign of Napoleon III, capital was restrained, and interest groups knew to hold back. After Napoleon IV ca to power, the governnt fell into infighting, and restraints on capital relaxed.
As the saying goes, "If you don’t discipline for three days, you have to repair your roof." After a few years of freedom, capitalists, blinded by their interests, started to believe wilfully that the strength of the French Army was unmatched in the world.
With such formidable power, they naturally wanted benefits to match. Perhaps the shadow of anti-French wars made them fear arousing public ire and being besieged, so for the ti being, they were still in a stage of diplomatic probing.
The three great nations each harbored their own thoughts, making diation seem like "flowers in the mirror and the moon reflected in the lake."
From the "Guano Wars" to the beginning of the struggle between England, France, and Austria, the war beca more than just a dispute over territory and interests among the three South Arican countries.
...
London
Foreign Minister Edward set down his coffee slowly and said, "Our two allies are restless again, it seems the Prusso-Russian war hasn’t put enough pressure on them; they still have the energy for mischief in South Arica."
"That is an inevitable result. In the past twenty years, France and Austria have grown rapidly in strength, and naturally, ambitions have also sprouted.
As long as France and Austria don’t clash directly, the situation in Europe won’t spiral out of control. With the lessons of the Prusso-Russian war before them, decision-makers in France and Austria, no matter how grand their ambitions, will think thrice before proceeding." Chancellor Garfield said with a smile.
Clearly, the unforeseen events in South Arica were not enough to trouble the London Governnt.
As rivals, it’s a normal tactic to engage in sabotaging each other. If there’s quiet for several years in a row, that would be truly concerning.
The British do not worry about France and Austria causing trouble overseas; with the strength of the Royal Navy, they can quell any disturbance. As long as the balance in Europe is not broken, Britannia faces no danger.
The brutality of the Prusso-Russian war will inevitably affect the strategic decisions of all European countries. No one wants to engage in a war that damages both sides, to the delight of a third party enjoying the spectacle.
In the current European Continent, the main conflict lies in the Prusso-Russian discord. Though many contradictions exist between England, France, and Austria, they are not yet severe enough to spark a war.
Without a re-shuffling of war, Europe’s balance will not be broken, and the London Governnt can remain leisurely aloof.
Britain’s global hegemony is based on the balance established by tternich through the Vienna System in Europe for thirty years after the anti-French wars, which gave the British the resources to build a world empire.
Pri Minister Benjamin said, "Since France and Austria want to play, we’ll accompany them to the end. This opportunity can be used to sober them up, lest they continue to act foolishly."
Though strategic security is not threatened, it does not an the London Governnt will allow such situations to occur unchecked. France and Austria’s moves still damage Britannia’s interests.
International struggles have always involved reciprocal backstabbing, and in this aspect, the British have the most experience.
Although the South Arican countries have gained independence, due to their own weak strength, they have not fully escaped the influence of Europe.
In a world already divided, the weaker South Arican nations have also beco objects of contention among England, France, and Austria.
```
Establishing economic colonialism in South Arica as an alternative to colonization wasn’t a poor choice either.
The South Arican War, aside from the contest for interests among Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, was also a gambit by England, France, and Austria to extend their influence deep into South Arica.
In this respect, both France and Austria were lagging behind. The Austrian Colonial Empire started too late, while France had missed the pri opportunity for expansion due to the impact of the anti-French wars.
Had it not been for the South Arican War, and without British support for Chile, it’s likely that neither Peru nor Bolivia would have gravitated towards France and Austria.
...
In the Vienna Palace, the news of the British intervention had already reached Franz’s hands.
Franz wasn’t surprised by such developnts; what astonished him was the severity of the British reaction, indicating a strong intent to push France and Austria out of South Arica.
On February 11, 1880, Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, and Ecuador cited the maintenance of world peace as their pretext to announce an embargo on supplies to the warring nations of Chile, Bolivia, and Peru.
Despite appearing to be an "embargo" on all three combatants, in reality, only Peru and Bolivia were cut off. For Chile, mariti transport was much more convenient than overland.
Following the embargo by these four nations, the Peru-Bolivia Alliance was left with only one "lifeline"—the Republic of Colombia.
However, this "lifeline" was also in peril, liable to break at any mont.
Lately, Colombia had been in frequent contact with the British. If it were not for the significant influence of France and Austria in Colombia and their apprehension of their reaction, the Colombian Governnt would probably have already joined the embargo alliance.
The reasons behind the embargo by these four nations were varied, including British influence but more so due to interests.
To trace the origins, one must go back to the independence wars, where alliances were ford to jointly act against Spanish colonial rule.
"It is easy to endure hardships together, but difficult to share wealth." After expelling the Spaniards and dividing the spoils, everyone felt they contributed the most and thus deserved the largest share.
Where interests lie, yesterday’s allies beco today’s enemies. These conflicts sowed the seeds for the subsequent turmoil in South Arica.
The "Guano War" was just one example, including the Paraguayan War that ca earlier; they were all part of this history.
As for the whys and wherefores, Franz had no interest in figuring them out anymore. In this age of survival of the fittest, victors were beyond reproach.
Franz asked, "Considering the current situation, how likely is it that Colombia will lean towards Chile?"
After a mont of contemplation, Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied, "If neither we nor the French intervene, the likelihood of Colombia joining the embargo is almost certain."
This answer made Franz furrow his brow; clearly, he had underestimated the British influence in South Arica and had assud that the nations there would remain on the sidelines as long as France and Austria joined forces.
After hesitating for a mont, Franz slowly said, "Test the French’s attitude, for we simply can’t contend with the British in South Arica on our own strength."
Reluctant to admit it, but the reality was cruel. The British had been active for many years in South Arica, and their underlying influence was not sothing Austria could match.
If it weren’t for the Austrian Central Arican Colony, even the Colombian Governnt could not be swayed by the Vienna Governnt. In plain terms, in the age of sea power, naval forces determined a nation’s international influence.
The Austrian Navy might not be insignificant, but with nurous colonies to defend, casting a wide net across the globe was utterly impractical.
"Yes, Your Majesty!" Weisenberg responded.
...
Both France and Austria held vast empires, and even if they withdrew from South Arica now, it wouldn’t deal a fatal blow to their vital strength—they could always make a coback.
But for Peru and Bolivia, it was a different story; both agricultural nations, losing access to foreign supplies made it difficult for them to continue the war.
Small countries differ from great powers in that they do not get second chances. Losing just one war could an losing everything.
As the Vienna Governnt reacted, the newly established governnts of Peru and Bolivia, already strained from dealing with their failures, hurriedly took diplomatic actions.
And thus, a major diplomatic battle that would decide the fate of South Arica began to unfold.
```
Reviews
All reviews (0)