After Wilhelm I’s trip to London, the international situation beca clearer. Anglo-Prussian relations ward up, and Russia and Austria, having just ended their alliance, ca together once again. The power to decide the future direction of European affairs returned to the hands of the French.
If the Paris Governnt supported the Russians, the outco of this war would be decided in advance. On the contrary, if they supported the Prusso Federation, then the outco would only be known after the fight.
In the Palace of Versailles, Napoleon IV was very satisfied with the current situation. Prussia and Russia were both vying to woo France, and this feeling of determining the future direction of Europe was simply wonderful.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore: "Your Majesty, the Russian Delegation has suddenly changed their itinerary, canceling their visit to London and are expected to arrive in Paris in three days."
Napoleon IV smiled slightly; he knew the Tsarist Governnt was in a hurry. Although the Russian Empire was stronger than the Prusso Federation in terms of comprehensive national strength, war was not just about comprehensive strength but also external forces.
The Prusso Federation had already secured support from the British, and if they obtained French support as well, even if the Russians gained Austrian support, they would still be at a disadvantage.
The harsh reality told the Russians that being without money was absolutely unacceptable. In terms of financial power, the combined funds that England and France, the two gold sponsors, could provide were definitely more than Austria could offer.
In plain terms, this war was the Russians’ war, not Austria’s. The Vienna Governnt could support them but could not commit indefinitely.
Unless the war could be ended quickly, it would ultimately be a battle of fiscal strength. With the lesson from the last war, the Tsarist Governnt no longer had any illusions about a quick victory.
Napoleon IV shook his head: "If they’re only starting to act now, the Russians must be foolish!"
The Russian delegation arriving in Paris before Wilhelm I’s visit may seem not too late on the surface. However, Napoleon IV’s comnt about being late also made sense.
There was once a chance for France and Russia to co together closely, but unfortunately, neither side cherished it. This was a historical problem. The contradictions between the two countries resulting from the Anti-French Wars were once again magnified during the Near Eastern War.
Alexander II once wanted to ease Franco-Russian relations but was obstructed by England and Austria, ultimately ending in failure.
After the Prussian territorial trade, France and Russia lost the pivot of joint interest, and the last chance for an alliance was shattered.
There is no regret dicine in this world. With the changing international situation, France no longer needs to ally with the Russians.
The young Napoleon IV, who was also ambitious, wished to surpass his father and achieve greater accomplishnts.
Therefore, what France needed was a subordinate, not a rival.
The Russian Empire would not lower itself to be a subordinate. Even if Alexander II could endure hardships, the Russian people would not agree.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore waved his hand: "The diplomacy of the Russians has always been quite spontaneous; there’s nothing surprising about it.
From the ti Nicholas I allied with Austria to the pro-Prussian and anti-Austrian strategies carried out by Alexander II after he took the throne, to the later falling out with Prussia, and the collapse of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, it has always been like this.
The Tsarist Governnt’s foreign policy strategy is too influenced by personal will. There is not only a lack of long-term planning, but frequent changes occur, even to the point of self-contradiction."
Sensing sothing, Dumbledore, chose to stop right there. As chaotic as the Tsarist Governnt’s foreign policy, the French governnt’s foreign policy was not much better.
The most consistent foreign policies among the Great European Nations are those of England and Austria. The Anglo-Austrian "European balance" policy has continued from the end of the Anti-France Wars until now.
Although there have been changes in the interim, the overall direction has never changed. The current political structure of Europe is the product of the Anglo-Austrian "European balance" policy.
Napoleon IV nodded: "Forget it; this is also a good thing. Once the Russians arrive, I can negotiate the price with the Prusso Federation.
Europe is too small to accommodate so many great powers. An Austria, an England is already enough for us; we cannot afford a fourth pole."
The cake is only so big; splitting it three ways already cannot satisfy everyone’s appetites. Adding another slice into the mix, nobody would welco it.
On the issue of suppressing the rise of latecors, the stance of England, France, and Austria is unified. Whether supporting the Prusso Federation or the Russian Empire, there is one prerequisite - they cannot be allowed to grow too strong.
This ti, England, France, and Austria are divided into two camps, seemingly over interests, but in reality, there is already an understanding: neither Prussia nor Russia can be allowed to win the war too easily.
In this round of diplomatic competition, the Russians lost from the very beginning. No matter how hard the Tsarist Governnt tries, it will not be able to garner more support.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore: "Your Majesty, according to news from London, Wilhelm I is seeking a grand alliance, and the British have already explicitly refused them.
If things go as expected, Wilhelm I will seek an alliance with us. This issue is significant, and we must approach it with caution."
"Prusso-French alliance," If this were twenty or thirty years ago, the French governnt would have been eager to have an ally to share the burden. Even a decade ago, the French Governnt would have agreed without hesitation.
Now it’s different. Apart from the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance, France also has an ally in Spain; there’s no longer such a desperate need for allies.
Napoleon IV sneered: "There’s nothing to consider. The Prusso Federation wants to ally with us, then they first need to defeat the Russians. If they lose the war, what right do they have to talk about an alliance with us?"
What benefits would the French governnt get from an alliance with Prussia now, aside from assuming obligations?
Even if the Prusso Federation won the battle, Napoleon IV would still have to carefully weigh the pros and cons of a Prusso-French alliance. At the very least, he could not ignore the attitudes of England and Austria.
...
After the grand welco ceremony concluded, Crown Prince Alexandrovich, who was visiting Paris once again, showed a deep concern on his face.
Although the welco ceremony seed grand, it was laced with a palpable sense of estrangent. Undoubtedly, the Parisians did not welco them.
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If it were not for the Bonaparte family’s desire to integrate into the European royal circles, placing great importance on etiquette, they probably wouldn’t even bother with facade maintenance.
The initial reception was nothing short of a snub, leaving Crown Prince Alexandrovich with little hope for the upcoming negotiations.
Originally, according to his wishes, the first stop was supposed to be Denmark, focusing on public relations with the Nordic Federation; as for England and France, they could simply do their best and leave the rest to fate.
Unfortunately, the Russian Empire was not yet a place where he, the Crown Prince, could call the shots. Even though he had been involved in governnt affairs for many years, his say in foreign policy was still very limited.
Winning over England and France might seem to promise rich rewards, perhaps even clinching the victory, but in reality, success was impossible.
The key issue was "bargaining chips"; the Tsarist governnt simply had nothing to offer that could tempt them.
Use gold as collateral? Sorry, the Tsarist did not dare. Just as England and France did not trust Russians, the Tsarist governnt likewise did not trust England and France.
Unlike Austria, which is close by, if the Austrians breached an agreent, they could genuinely fight a battle. The cost of war is clearly above pledging gold as collateral, and these interests were not enough to make the Vienna governnt break its promise.
England and France were different; being thousands of miles away, the Russians could not reach them. Should they suddenly decide to breach an agreent one day, the Russian economy would imdiately collapse, with no opportunity for retaliation.
Offer lands as collateral? Let alone collateral, even if it were a matter of selling or ceding territory, they were willing to offer it to England and France, they wouldn’t dare to accept.
Under normal circumstances, no European nation would want to ally with Russia. Both England and France were colonial empires, and they certainly did not lack for a piece of territory.
Diplomacy without interests, is just hooliganism. Crown Prince Alexandrovich was simply going through the motions, naturally not in high spirits.
"Your Highness, Wilhelm I will arrive in Paris tomorrow. The French have arranged the welco banquet together. It’s clear they’re up to no good," a diplomatic official in the entourage complained indignantly.
After a mont of silence, Alexandrovich said coldly, "Just say I’m not feeling well and won’t attend tomorrow’s banquet."
As the Crown Prince, Alexandrovich was prideful; how could he willingly suffer such humiliation?
As the Crown Prince, Alexandrovich was only a Grand Duke, whereas Wilhelm I was a king; by comparison, his status was a notch lower.
With the Prusso-Russian war on the verge of breaking out, such an ill-tid eting was risky—who knew what kind of stories the newspapers would concoct?
"But, Your Highness. If you don’t go, the outside world will..."
Cutting him off before he could finish, Alexandrovich interrupted, "There are not so many ’buts.’ What will the outside world say? They’ll just fabricate so stories about us being afraid.
Given the relationship between France and Russia, do you think the French newspapers will speak well of us? If you want to hear praise, you might as well just throw money at it, that works better than anything."
The more he understood France, the less confident Alexandrovich was. In the past, for the Polish independence movent, the French had even organized a volunteer army.
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Although that volunteer army never crossed the border, their deep-seated malice towards Russia was unmasked. With such a backdrop, attempting a public relations campaign in Paris was a no-go, save for throwing money at it.
If France were in a republican era, where public opinion could influence governnt decisions, then spending money might be worth it. Clearly, it was not the case now; any amount of money spent would simply be wasted.
Alexandrovich deliberately dodged Wilhelm I, just as Wilhelm I avoided Alexandrovich, seemingly in tacit agreent to never appear in the sa place.
It seed they both saw through the malicious intentions of the French, both cautiously avoiding a direct confrontation, to the disappointnt of those who were hoping for a spectacle.
In the Palace of Versailles, Napoleon IV was eting with Wilhelm I, the atmosphere congenial as if they were old friends reunited after many years.
anwhile, representatives of Prussia and France were locked in a verbal battle over interests. Seeing no breakthrough in the short term, Prusso Federation Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman quickly shifted the topic.
"Minister, the current international situation is not only detrintal to us but also to your country," he said.
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dumbledore, shook his head, "Earl, there’s no need for alarmism here. The current international political landscape is, for France, the best it’s been in nearly a century.
We’ve weathered the hardest tis; why worry about now? Such minor threats are hardly worth ntioning."
This was the truth. For nearly a century, France had continuously been in the middle of the European political whirlwind, subjected to hostility and targeting by others.
Friedman picked up his coffee, sipped it lightly, then asked, "Really? Don’t you feel threatened by the rapidly growing power of Austria? "
Dumbledore scoffed, "Austria is indeed powerful and growing rapidly, but it poses no threat to the great France.
On the contrary, it is your country that needs to directly face the pressure from Austria. Prussia and Austria share such a long border, and now the Vienna governnt is supporting Russia."
The French governnt was naturally aware of the Austrian threat, though it was not as evident as it was for the Prusso Federation. The border between the two countries was not long, and France had an unfounded confidence in its military strength, hence it was not much concerned.
Friedman presented pre-prepared intelligence information to Dumbledore.
"Here is so of the Austrian intelligence we’ve collected. You might wish to take a look, Minister."
Since they had offended Austria, they might as well go all the way. To prevent the Vienna governnt from tilting the scales in the upcoming war, Berlin had to give Austria an enemy.
Looking at the world stage, only England and France had the power to restrain Austria. The British were too cunning to fool, and too distant from Austria to feel any threat.
Being a neighbor, France was different; the two countries had always been rivals, each concerned with every bit of movent next door.
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