In these tis, being neighbors with the French is quite challenging, and you must remain vigilant at all tis.
The Rhineland is an isolated territory with a troubleso neighbor. The Prussian governnt had long prepared itself ntally for losing the Rhineland, though they didn’t expect it would happen in this way.
Under diplomatic pressure from Britain and Austria, the Prussian governnt couldn’t hold out and was forced to compromise. In the short term, giving up the Rhineland was actually a good thing for the Kingdom of Prussia.
By selling the Rhineland, Prussia could not only escape its financial crisis but also rid itself of the French threat, allowing it to focus on countering the Russians.
If they had stubbornly refused to sell, there was a chance that in the next Russo-Prussian War, the French would intervene directly. After witnessing the annexation of Italy, the Prussian governnt lost all faith in French integrity.
The Rhineland would have been lost long ago if it hadn’t been for the mutual restraint between the great powers. Don’t let Prussia’s gamble in the original tiline fool you into thinking its military was superior to France’s. It was actually quite the opposite.
France’s current military strength might not be significantly stronger than it was in the sa historical period, but on paper, it looks impressive. Its standing army is twice the size of Prussia’s, and its overall national strength, including French Italy and the colonies, is more than three tis greater than Prussia’s.
With the Russian Empire as a major adversary, taking on France as well would be madness.
After so symbolic resistance, Prussian Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman reluctantly announced that the Rhineland would be sold in an open auction, with the highest bidder winning.
Without a doubt, this was intended to sow discord among the British-French-Austrian alliance. If it ca down to financial power, neither Belgium nor the German Federal Empire could compete with France.
Austrian ambassador Hüml said, “There is no issue with your country’s auction of the Rhineland, but the Rhineland is part of the German territories, and the people living there are all Germans.
Considering all factors, it would be better for the Rhineland to join a German nation. I suggest that only German countries—Switzerland, Belgium, the German Federal Empire, and the New Holy Roman Empire—participate in this auction.
As the proposer, we will withdraw ourselves to avoid any appearance of conflict of interest.”
The idea of “withdrawing” themselves was entirely self-serving, as having a territorial enclave under France’s nose would make it impossible for Austria to rest easy.
While European countries didn’t want France expanding into Central Europe, they also didn’t want Austria expanding either. Even if Austria wanted the Rhineland, they wouldn’t get the chance.
The term “enclave” is relative. If it was up against the French, it would indeed be an isolated enclave. But if it went to the German Federal Empire, it would be strategically advantageous, flanking from both sides.
French Foreign Minister Montreux angrily stood up and exclaid, “No way! Since this is an open auction, the highest bidder should win. Every European country should have the right to participate. How can you restrict it to just German nations?”
The opportunity to buy the Rhineland with money was too good to pass up. Even if the chances were slim, Montreux had to try.
Hüml retorted, “We are all civilized people, and everyone knows that in order to govern a place well, you need the support of the local populace.
Your country’s cultural traditions are completely at odds with those of the Rhineland. How could you possibly maintain good relations with the local people? As civilized nations, we must respect the will of the people.”
The concept of “public opinion” was sothing the French pioneered, with Napoleon III rising to power by respecting the people’s will. He was a genuinely elected emperor, not a result of so conspiracy for restoration.
However, this didn’t an that European countries actually respected public opinion. The ruling classes tended to respect it only when it served their interests and ignored it when it didn’t.
To push France out of the equation, Hüml had no hesitation in waving the banner of “public opinion.” This was both a necessity for Austria’s interests and a political need.
As the leader of the German region, Austria had the responsibility to take the lead. Without Austria’s backing, how would Belgium or the German Federal Empire have the courage to compete with France?
Seeing that the mont was right, the British Foreign Secretary, Marquis Maclean, finally spoke up, “Sir Hüml is quite right. As mbers of a civilized society, we must respect public opinion.
Over 95% of the Rhineland’s population is of German descent, and their cultural traditions make them more suited to rge with a German nation.
Now that the New Holy Roman Empire has withdrawn, the countries most suitable to participate in the auction are Belgium, the German Federal Empire, and Switzerland.”
With Britain and Austria aligned, the rest of Europe, which had been watching from the sidelines, also joined in. At this mont, everyone was suddenly very committed to “respecting public opinion.”
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With more than a dozen countries aligned, Montreux couldn’t withstand the pressure. The reality was clear: no one wanted to see France continue expanding. The so-called “public opinion” was nothing more than a fig leaf, sothing everyone used to make their image better.
If public opinion were truly respected, Ireland would have gained independence by now, Scotland would be independent too, and all the major colonial empires would have collapsed.
The truth is one thing, but what people say is another. Everyone cares about appearances, so saying one thing and doing another is a necessity.
If they didn’t have that fig leaf and simply admitted that France’s strength was too great and they were worried it would threaten their own security, how would they all get along afterward?
“Hmph!”
With a cold snort to express his dissatisfaction, Montreux chose silence. There was no choice as the situation didn’t allow for a war of words. The other countries’ attitudes were firm, and there was no way to convince them otherwise.
As for trying to use threats or bribes, with Britain and Austria leading the opposition, any underhanded tactics would only result in humiliation. France simply didn’t have the strength to take on the entirety of Europe.
Montreux’s silence was soon t with high praise from everyone. Complints ca flooding in with phrases like “looking at the bigger picture,” “showing international responsibility,” and “a model of respecting public opinion.”
But to Montreux, all of these sounded like sarcasm. Without achieving his goal, no amount of praise could bring real benefits.
As a politician, if you’re receiving complints from all sides, it’s best not to get too happy too quickly. It’s wiser to pause and reflect on the situation.
Typically, there are only two situations where you’ll earn everyone’s praise. The first is when you’re dead as people are always more forgiving towards the deceased. The second is when your actions align with their interests.
In international affairs, the second situation usually ans you’ve made a mistake, and others have benefited from it. This is when you’re most likely to receive praise, both in life and in legacy.
Otherwise, if your enemies aren’t slandering you, that’s already not bad. Expecting them to give you a good review? Unlikely.
Respect for opponents is usually reserved for those who have been defeated or have fallen from power. As for those still in power, the goal is to knock them down, not sing their praises. What kind of ntality would that be?
After placating the French, everyone turned their attention to the representatives from Switzerland, Belgium, and the German Federal Empire, awaiting their responses.
Swiss envoy Podolsky was the first to reply, “Although we would very much like to purchase the Rhineland region, we are constrained by financial limitations and must painfully give up the opportunity.”
Seeing Podolsky’s expression of regret, many almost believed him. The Swiss federal governnt was indeed poor, limited by its productivity and resources. Switzerland had not yet developed at this ti.
However, the claim that financial constraints were the reason for abandoning the Rhineland region was less believable than the idea that the Swiss simply feared the French and didn’t dare covet this isolated territory.
In this regard, Switzerland was quite different from Belgium and the German Federal Empire. The latter two bordered the Rhineland directly, aning they could integrate it to boost their national strength.
Taking the Kingdom of Belgium as an example, if they acquired the Rhineland region, their comprehensive national power would double in no ti. As one of the earliest countries to complete industrialization on the European continent, Belgium was at the world’s leading level in many fields.
Unfortunately, limited by its small territory, Belgium’s growth potential was insufficient, preventing it from joining the ranks of the great powers. It remained a small country.
But if Belgium gained the Rhineland, it could transition to being a mid-sized power, significantly improving its chances of survival.
If it fell into the hands of the German Federal Empire, the increase in strength would be even more obvious. Not to ntion, surpassing Spain in heavy industry would be inevitable.
With only two buyers left, Prussian Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman remained unperturbed. This outco was expected.
Either Austria and France would both participate in the bidding, or the two nations would cancel each other out and step aside. Austria didn’t want to get entangled in this issue at the mont and chose to pull France out of the ga as well.
The auction wasn’t going to take place imdiately. No one had completed their behind-the-scenes negotiations, so there was no way there could be a quick result. This wasn’t just about money. The political ramifications had to be considered as well.
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