"Finally finished!"
"This is the first step, and it must pass in the state parliant before it can take effect with the approval of His Majesty!"
"Isn't it just revisions, what are you afraid of?"
...
That's right, here is the Constitutional Committee of the New Holy Roman Empire. All the people present were the governnt sent by the governnts of the states.
The Constitutional Committee was established as early as 1854, because the parties were too divided, and the friction has dragged on to the present.
Now that the draft constitution has finally co out, before that, the new Holy Roman Empire used a unified agreent signed by the states.
The draft constitution soon appeared in Franz's desk.
Looking at it from the beginning to the end, Franz frowned slightly. This constitution is actually the result of compromise between the parties. The greatest advantage is probably the protection of imperial power.
This is an inevitable result. The mbers of the Constituent Committee are all royalists, with the exception of free cities, all states have kings.
The **** determines the head. If the emperor's rights are restricted, can the king's rights be guaranteed?
From a rights perspective, the kings of the states are Franz's best allies. Both the imperial power and the imperial power stood on the sa front, and both sides suffered losses.
Other terms are similar to the actual situation of the new Holy Roman Empire now.
It is almost a replica of the German Empire. The governnts of the states have a high degree of autonomy. There are basically no restrictions except for the prohibition of division, the unification of the currency, and the consistency with the central governnt.
The command of the army belongs to the emperor and king. According to the Constitution: Franz and the king of the state have the right to command the army of the state, but the central governnt does not have this right.
The army was divided into the Central Army and the State Army. The Central Army is under the direct control of the emperor, and the governnts of the states share the military expenses; while the troops of the states are directly under the king, and the states themselves bear the military expenses.
In theory, as long as the state governnt has the money, it is legal to have a million troops, and the central governnt has no right to interfere, but the emperor has command.
The new version of the Constitution directly cut the army and governnt, and the state-owned army beca the private army of the emperor and king.
The sa is true in taxation. The people pay taxes to the king and emperor, and the central governnt and state governnts only manage it for them.
This is sowhat similar to the British, but the emperor is greater in power.
High-level officials of the central governnt are appointed by the emperor. All high-level officials must have local or departntal appointnt experience and have achieved certain political achievents.
The possibility of ascending to the sky was cut off directly from the source, or that the pri minister must rise from the state departnt.
It is worth ntioning that the election of mbers of parliant has been opened, but it is a high standard version.
Franz estimates that by this standard, no more than one percent are eligible to vote, and fewer are eligible to run.
Following the British, Parliant was divided into upper and lower houses. The upper house was composed of aristocracy and the lower house was elected by the people.
Eligibility for voting rights must et the following conditions: possess the new Holy Roman Empire citizenship, and live in the empire for a long ti, or be a colony, over 30 years old, have a junior high school education, have more than 10 years of social work experience, and be in the industry It has made certain achievents, no criminal record, and correct political thinking ...
Candidate qualifications are more stringent. After eting the above qualifications, there will be an assessnt of social contribution, an assessnt of personal comprehensive ability, and an assessnt of political ideology and morals ...
Do not doubt, according to this standard, it is estimated that the future Congress of the new Holy Roman Empire will be harmonious.
Those who are able to get out of the siege are basically old n, and they are powerless whether they scold or fight.
There is no doubt that this election model is a heavy blow for political parties. It ’s useless to be good at speaking, even if it ’s blown up, you do n’t even have the right to vote, and you do n’t even have the right to vote.
Voters have a certain level of knowledge and are elites in the industry. They have already passed the secondary stage. These people have little desire to change the status quo of the society.
Even if all these conditions are t, it is only a mber. Elections are not a shortcut if you want to beco a Pri Minister from a parliant or climb up from the grassroots.
These restrictions were not set by Franz, but he hinted at the most that the latter were conspired by the Constitutional Committee.
It is normal to think about it. The current constitutional committees are all vested interests and naturally they must safeguard their own interests.
Don't assu that people of ordinary origin will expand the right to vote. The end result is often just the opposite, these people are the most opposed to expanding the right to vote.
The human mind is complicated. Before gaining privileges, counter-privileges; after gaining privileges, the **** determines the head and maintains privileges.
As elites in the society, they naturally do not want more people to co in to share this right, and eventually they beco elite politics.
Elite politics is good, and Franz can't answer this question. But as emperor, it was in his interest.
A group of rational and conservative social elites entering the circle of rights is more conducive to the developnt of the country than a group of Chinese middle and second-guessing parties.
After seeing the political contribution, Franz did not hesitate to hit a fork, and made a note: Any political contribution behavior is regarded as a bribe and strictly investigated and handled in accordance with relevant regulations.
After thinking about it for a while, he added one: prohibit the dia, companies, and individuals from making related political propaganda, and offenders will be punished as cris of manipulation of political elections.
As for the question of how to vote for voters, it is not about Franz. I want to list my resu, probably, barely!
Everyone is the sa anyway, no one is taking advantage of fairness and justice.
It's better than let the power of capital get involved, and Congress becos a slave to capitalists' money.
Since it is constitutional, there are naturally provisions restricting the emperor's rights. For example, it is necessary to abide by the Constitution and clearly stipulate the proportion of royal family pensions.
That's about it. Don't expect a group of constitutional committees appointed by the emperor and the king to really formulate a constitution that limits royal power.
These terms are tacitly acknowledged by Franz. At the very least, the rights of the cabinet have been strengthened, but the foundation of the cabinet's power cos from the emperor, which is nothing more than a backseat.
It is worth ntioning that Franz's succession law has been changed. If the first heir can not bear the emperor's responsibility because of personal physical and ntal reasons, the throne is directly inherited by the second heir.
There is no way. After experiencing the reign of Ferdinand I, after almost rolling over, the Habsburg royal family was frightened, for fear of coming again. After all, not every ti will be so good luck, you can save yourself.
Had it not been for the loyal ministers of the Habsburgs, Austria would have beco a constitutional monarchy during the Ferdinand era, and it was not up to Franz to formulate the constitution himself.
After checking it several tis, it was found that nothing was wrong, and Franz passed on his opinion. At that ti, naturally soone will find a reason to carry out his will.
This is the draft, and it's still a long ti after that. The central and state governnts also have to play political gas to fight for their respective rights.
The constitution, plainly speaking, is just a large frawork. When it cos to specific provisions, it depends on the results of political gas among all parties.
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