Paris
On August 28, 1853, the long-awaited negotiations finally began, with representatives from various countries, including many small German states and free cities, gathering together.
The conference room was imdiately flooded with over a hundred people, making it as noisy and chaotic as a marketplace. After a few days, no agreent had been reached.
On September 2, Russian Foreign Minister Karl Nesselrode suggested to the conference: “Gentlen, at this rate of endless bickering, an agreent will probably not be reached even by this ti next year. Why don't we reduce the number of countries participating in the negotiations?”
Public relations fees were at work here. Karl Nesselrode still had considerable credibility and upheld the principle of money for service. This proposal was bought with 500,000 rubles.
Watching the deadlock in the negotiations, tternich was worried. If it dragged on, problems would surely arise that would be very detrintal to Austria.
At this point, it was inappropriate for Austria to take the lead in excluding other countries’ representatives. Only the representatives of Britain, France, and Russia had the standing to propose a reduction in participation.
The British, of course, were happy to watch Austria’s troubles unfold. The French, too, were not easily bought under the watchful eyes of Napoleon III, which made any trickery difficult.
That left only Karl Nesselrode, who could be bought because, with the Russian-Austrian alliance, the Russian governnt had already decided to support Austria at the conference.
How much support they could give was up to Karl Nesselrode. To avoid long-term problems, tternich naturally spent money on public relations.
tternich said coldly, “Mr. Nesselrode’s suggestion is a good one. Everyone’s ti is precious. There is no need for irrelevant people to take part in the subsequent negotiations.
He had no affection for these bystanders, who had only brought chaos to Austria. Now they were just making trouble.
“All right, from now on, only the directly involved countries need to participate.”
After so consideration, the Foreign Minister Auvergne also expressed his support. Prolonging this brought no benefit to France.
With three votes to one, British Foreign Secretary Thomas had no choice but to nod in agreent. His ti, too, was precious, and he could not be trapped here while affairs at ho still needed to be attended to.
Under the consensus of the Great Powers, participation in the conference shrank to 15 countries:
Britain, France, Russia, Austria, Prussia, Spain, Belgium, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, plus the southern German states slated for annexation.
This was only the beginning.
On September 5, under tternich’s manipulation, the number of participants shrank again, depriving the German states of any right to attend the conference and leaving them passively at ho awaiting the results.
By September 10, with these smaller countries being kicked out one by one, only six remained: Britain, France, Russia, Austria, Spain, and Prussia, sowhat reminiscent of the Paris Peace Conference.
The world is still run by power.
A multi-country negotiation ended up as a closed-door eting of Britain, France, Russia, Austria, Spain, and Prussia.
The Spanish representative was there only to be present. As a European power, it retained conference rights but no speaking privileges.
The final decision still rested with Britain, France, Russia, Austria and Prussia. Negotiations could finally proceed normally.
……
In the German territories, the idea of dividing Germany into northern and southern halves grew with ti.
Many experts and scholars published newspaper articles elaborating on the feasibility of the “Division of Northern and Southern Germany.”
Even optimists no longer believed that German unification was possible. Have you not seen the clear opposition expressed by the flag of the Kingdom of Prussia?
In addition, two other North German state governnts had responded to the Prussian proposal, believing that Austria had disturbed the peace and stability of the German territories and should be expelled.
These two foolish state governnts soon paid a painful price, being denounced by their citizens to the point where they were the subject of verbal abuse.
Had the Prussian army not intervened, they would have beco republics. With this precedent, the remaining German state governnts all beca more cautious.
German nationalist sentint was still mostly limited to verbal attacks, but it had the power to overthrow one or two small states.
To put it bluntly, their verbal barrage alone was enough to drive governnts from power, which naturally frightened leaders from defying public sentint.
The German territories consisted of 39 states and various free cities. Aside from the two major powers, Austria and Prussia, the remaining 37 states and free cities occupied over 200,000 square kiloters.
Excluding Bavaria, Hanover, Württemberg, Saxony, Hesse, Baden, and so on, the thirty or so other states and free cities were cramd into just 40,000 to 50,000 square kiloters of land.
Excluding the two duchies occupied by Denmark, each state or free city averaged less than 1,000 square kiloters in area, with an average population of less than 150,000.
With such limited governntal authority, a rural rebellion could overthrow them. Of course, they did not dare to violate public opinion.
When the “Division of Northern and Southern Germany” was announced, public opinion exploded with both support and opposition, throwing the entire German territory into turmoil.
Inside the University of Munich
One excited student said: “It’s impossible, Bayer. Apart from the division of Germany, have we any other choice?
With foreign intervention and the traitorous Kingdom of Prussia in our region, you want to unify the German territories by force under these circumstances. Do you know the consequences?
You’re simply mad. Once war breaks out, tens of thousands of Germans will be displaced, and the great German nation will sink into oblivion like the Poles.”
The world has never lacked idealists, and Bayer was one.
Bayer replied, “Stein, don’t make a fuss. The intervention coalition may seem strong, but the only ones capable of intervening militarily in German unification are Britain, France, and Russia.
Now, there are many contradictions between the three countries, and the possibility of forming a coalition is almost zero. If they fight separately, we may not be without a fighting chance.”
Soone nearby sneered, “That’s right, we do have the strength to fight. But after that, Germany would fade into history, or we can learn from the Prussian savages and beco traitors who bow down to the enemy.”
……
Not everyone liked war. Even among German nationalists, most still hoped for peaceful unification.
In the face of combined foreign intervention, many were rational enough to know that the German Confederation was incapable of resisting the common will of Europe, leaving compromise as the only choice.
The North-South division idea, rather than an Austrian governnt conspiracy, was sothing these rational minds needed.
Since unification was impossible, this was the second option everyone was forced to choose.
Things were fine in Southern Germany. With annexation by Austria, they would still be one of the world’s greatest powers, acceptable to most citizens.
Northern Germany was a different story. No one liked traitors. Unification with the Kingdom of Prussia was unacceptable to many.
Moreover, the combined northern states would barely enter the ranks of European powers, still far from the true great power status they desired.
Against this background, a new idea spread from the Kingdom of Hanover to Northern Germany and then to Southern Germany:
“Expel Austria and Prussia, and let the remaining German states form a new country.”
This idea had great appeal in Northern Germany among those who did not want to unite with Prussia and would rather join this new country.
The country created in this way would be only a dium-sized country of about 220,000 square kiloters and 17-18 million people, far from their envisioned dream of a great power.
Undoubtedly, British interference was evident here. With three competing German nations, whether Austria, Prussia, or this potential new nation, none would retain the ability to unify Germany.
In such a balanced system, the European continent will beco more stable. It will not only satisfy the interests of the British but also alleviate the concerns of the French. Even the Russians are very interested in this system.
This idea has been around for a long while, and the Bavarian governnt has been a strong proponent of the tripartite division concept. Unfortunately, such thinking lacks supporters in Germany, and even the Bavarians oppose it.
Now the situation had changed. The northern German states, unwilling to unite with Prussia, beca supporters of the idea.
Franz, far away in St. Petersburg, still did not know that John Bull had already made his move, and a deadly one at that.
A theory with the backing of the people was no longer just a theory but had the potential to beco a reality.
While the southern German masses might not support it, their governnts thought otherwise. Subordination to Austria offered limited influence.
Influence ant interests. With so many small states coming together, no one could dominate, necessitating a federal system!
In a federal state, the limited power of the central governnt ensures that everyone's interests are protected to the greatest extent possible.
Attracted by the prospects, these smaller governnts eagerly promoted the theory dostically and quietly mobilized currents throughout Germany.
Baden
Prince Frederick hesitated whether to join the federation that Great Britain was organizing. According to the British, joining would maximize the benefits.
“Gentlen, what do you think of the British proposal?”
After a mont of silence, Pri Minister Waltz replied: “Your Highness, if the British plan succeeds, joining the Federation will of course better suit our interests.
The Kingdom of Bavaria is still under Austrian control, and they are unlikely to spit it out.
In the new federation, no one could dominate. We, Hanover, Württemberg, Saxony, Hesse, and others would control the country together.
But while the potential benefits are substantial, so too are the risks.
The fledgling Federation would still be far weaker than Austria or even France. With limited developnt potential, we might not even surpass Prussia.
If the European balance of power is disturbed, we will be in great trouble. If Britain does not succeed in forcing Austria to voluntarily abandon the new Holy Roman Empire after turning traitor, we will surely face retaliation in the future.”
Not to ntion the future, even now Austria could crush the Grand Duchy of Baden with one hand. This was their hesitation to betray Austria.
Foreign Minister Nikolaus said after careful thought: “As for the question of Austrian retaliation, it’s easy to handle. We can simply appoint a mber of the Habsburgs as emperor, and that should be enough to appease their anger.
The problem at hand is whether the British will be able to subdue Austria and Prussia. If they can’t, this new federal empire will forever exist only in theory.”
Prince Frederick nodded. He wanted the benefits, but not the risks. If Britain’s plans failed, the enraged Austrian governnt might abolish the royal house of Baden. There was a ninety percent chance of that.
In contrast to other monarchs, Louis II was ntally ill, and his reputation among the people was close to zero. Most of the people living in Baden did not care much for the Grand Duke.
“In that case, reply directly to Great Britain that we agree in principle, but will make no public statents before the final decision of the Paris Conference.
Propaganda at ho must be carefully controlled so that nothing can be traced back to us. These ideas circulate freely among the people and must have no connection with the governnt.” Prince Frederick remarked.
There was no other way. The way for small countries to survive was to be opportunistic fence-sitters. They could not afford to offend either the British or the Austrians. Being caught between two great powers and trying to take advantage of the situation was like skating on thin ice.
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