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The failure of the strike had shaken the prestige of the leader, Mr. Vries, of the capitalist class, so many were skeptical about his ability to lead them to push the governnt to compromise.

In contrast, the reformists in the capitalist class had beco active. A group of capitalists had changed their stand, and secretly colluded with the reformists in an attempt to overthrow the Vienna Governnt and establish a capitalists' regi.

Of course, despite that, it was never possible for them to raise the flag and rebel. Even if there would be a revolution, it would have to be led by soone other than themselves. This was because they all had a load of wealth, and surely their lives were more precious than others.

No one was too stupid to understand that they could quite possibly turn into "martyrs" if they rebelled publicly when the weakness of the Austrian Empire had not yet been exposed.

Most capitalists had little confidence in the reformists, and they still placed their hopes on fighting through non-violent ans to coerce the Governnt to compromise.

A banquet was being held in a manor outside Vienna, and Mr. Vries was giving a passionate speech as the host.

Well, this was a banquet movent that originated from France, but when it was in Austria, which seed sowhat unconvinced, only a few scholars who were fooled by liberalism attended, save for the capitalists.

"Gentlen, we have to unite. The last ti we failed, and it was because we did not have a united front, and we were crushed by the enemy, one by one!

As long as we unite and fight together, the enemy will surely be defeated, and and we shall be the ones to claim victory.

There is no need for revolution, for bloodshed, and it's not hard to defeat the enemy in the field we dominate!

Just..."

Vries's speech was not satisfactory to everyone, and at least the revolutionary people who ca to the party were very dissatisfied with it.

"Mr. Vries's, what you call a bloodless fight...Do you really think that will that really make the enemy fall back? Wake up and sll the roses! The the rotten Vienna governnt will not listen to the voice of the public, and true freedom can only be achieved by revolution..."

"Whoever let him in, throw this bastard out of here, since he is trying to kill everyone!" yelled Vries fiercely, before this person could finish his words.

Damn it! Why was he discussing the revolution out loud as if he thought the secret police of the Vienna Governnt were nothing but a joke?

Not only was Vries angry, but many capitalists who ca to the banquet were angry as well. Even if they wanted a revolution, this was a matter that required discretion; the group here could support him in secret, but why on Earth would they do so publicly?

To support the revolution publicly? Everyone here would be in jail before they drew another breath. With so many people at the banquet, who knew what traitors or secret police were in their midst?

If you were saying you opposed revolution, then actually do so. When it ca to their own security, the capitalists were all very cautious. One after another, they denounced the Revolutionary Party, as if they were all models of loyalty and patriotism.

Vienna was not Paris, and the revolutionary enthusiasm of the public here was not as high, and also, the Vienna governnt was not so unpopular as the July dynasty, so not everyone wanted to rebel.

Interrupted by the revolutionary, the speech ended hastily, and then the banquet turned into a secret eting..

The impact of the Labor Protection Act on the public was still very strong. Even these servants who were attending the banquet were all among the beneficiaries, and it was highly possible that one of them was impulsive and sold them out. So everyone here should be cautious.

"Mr. Vries, can we really force the governnt make concessions by raising prices of supplies in the market? You know that the strength of the nobles is not ignorable; if they start to fight back against us, we may go for wool and co ho shorn!" Hamm, a big capitalist, questioned.

The two of them were business competitors, and it was all because of the common interests which brought and seated them together, but there was no way to eliminate the conflicts between them.

"It is exactly because of the nobility that we will win," explained Vries. Don't forget the fact that our Pri Minister is in favor of abolishing serfdom, and if the nobles do not overthrow him, they would be afraid that he will, like this ti, enforce it through legislation?"

Field, one of the moderate capitalists said, "Mr. Vries is right; the old bastard tternich had offended a lot of people over the years, and plenty of people want him to step down.

Once this old cunning man is gone, the new pri minister will surely not have his prestige, so, if he wants to stabilize the situation, he will have to compromise with us!"

Fields and Vries have similar political ideas, and both of them were opposed to violent revolutions and advocated fighting for rights and interests without bloodshed necessarily.

All their common ideas were determined by their interests because as one of the top capitalists in Austria, they controlled a large number of industries.

Once a revolution broke out, there must be a new shuffle of interests; if it failed, they would possibly lose everything they had in hands.

Vries said, "Mr. Ham, the nobles are not holy and pure saints. If we are trying to push up prices, and we can certainly let them in on it with us, because not only can we make money together, but they will also not fight with us in the market, by then, for their own benefit.

No need to be much, as long as one fifth of the nobles stand with us, tternich will be too powerless to do anything. This ti, our aim will be to force tternich to step down!

As for the repeal of the Labour Protection Act, the implentation of the Constitution, and the popular elections, we can delay them and wait for the next governnt to deal with it."

Apparently, since he failed once, Vries beca more cautious than before.

The Labour Protection Act was used by conservative nobles to fight the capitalists, and obviously they would not make concessions readily.

To say nothing after the constitutionalism and popular elections, as soon as either of them was brought up, it would be attacked comprehensively by the nobility.

Instead, Pri Minister tternich was an easy aim, and a highly acceptable one because, after all, there were also many people among the nobles who opposed him.

Ham, on second thought, said, "I'll trust you one more ti, but what do you think we should do about the revolutionary people in the banquet here? We are not stupid, so you do not have to hide any of your opinions!"

Field, with a cold smile, said, "Is there anything to be said? Of course, we have to draw distinctions between them and ourselves. Don't tell you haven't heard of the French Revolution! Or is this sothing you wish to experience firsthand?"

Ham quipped, "Mr. Field, let go of this grand statent!

Since I know most of us have to contact them privately, however, I an...have you ever thought of increasing our support toward them?

We do not expect they can succeed. As long as they can hold back so of the attention from the governnt, it would be good enough.

Vries hastily said, "Mr. Ham, this joke has to stop here. I've never personally known any revolutionary mbers!"

Unlike the bold Ham, Vries was already old. With his successful business and large amount of wealth, he was no longer willing to take any risks. Secretly providing funding for the movents of the Revolutionary Party was where the line had to be drawn.

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